THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


CHINA  AND   THE   POWERS 


CHINA 
AND  THE  POWERS 

Chapters  in  the  History  of  Chinese 
Intercourse  with   Western   Nations 

By 
ALLEYNE    IRELAND,  F.R.G.S. 

special  Commissioner  of  the  Colonial  Commission  of  the  University  of  Chicago 
Author  of  ^''  Tropical  Colonisation,'' '  ^'The  Anglo- Boer  Conflict,""  etc. 


Boston 

Privately  Printed  for 

Laurens    Maynard 
1902 


Copyright^  ig02^  by 
Alleyne  Ireland 


Press  of  Geo.  H.  Ellis  Co. 
Boston,  U.S.J. 


Pi 

PUBLISHER'S  FOREWORD. 

The  chapters  contained  in  this  volume  were  origi- 
nally written  to  forju  part  of  a  larger  work,  which, 
as  originally  projected  by  Mr,  Ireland,  was  to  have 
contained  chapters  on  China  s  relations  with  France, 
Germany,  and  Japan,  together  with  a  conchiding 
sttidy  of  the  "  Conjiicting  Interests  and  Ambitions 
of  the  Great  Powers  in  China''  Owing  to  ill-health, 
Mr.  Ireland  was  compelled  to  abandon  this  work; 
and  other  duties  have  now  rendered  its  completion, 
as  originally  planned,  impossible. 

As  the  fnished  portion  of  the  work  is  complete  in 
itself,  and  as  the  statistical  appendices  contain  a 
thorough  analysis  of  Chinese  trade  during  twenty 
years,  it  is  believed  that  its  value  to  students  is 
sufficient  to  justify  its  publication. 

One  hundred  and  fifty  copies  are  therefore  being 
printed  for  private  sale,  after  which  printing  the 
plates  will  be  destroyed. 

June  15,  1902. 


3080875 


CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.     The  Chinese  Problem 3 

II.     Early     Western     Intercourse    with     China, 

B.C.  looo-A.D.   1600 22 

III.  The  United  States  and  China 40 

IV.  England  and  China 70 

V.     Russia  and  China 109 

APPENDICES. 

Comparative  Tables,  showing  an  Analysis  of  Chinese  Trade 
from  1880  to  i8gg,  inclusive. 

I.     Value  of  Imports  into  China 134 

II.     Value  of  Exports  from  China 135 

III.  Imports  into  China :   Proportion  supplied  by  the 

Principal  Foreign  Countries 136 

IV.  Exports   from    China :    Proportion    taken    by    the 

Principal  Foreign  Countries 137 

V.     Chinese   Shipping :    Tonnage  of  Vessels  entered 

and  cleared 138,     139 

VI.     Shipping  of  Chinese  Ports :    Percentage  of  Total 

Tonnage  carried  under  each  Flag       ....     140 


PREFACE. 

There  exists  ainong  writer's  on  Chinese  affairs  a 
wide  divergence  of  views  as  to  the  present  importance 
and  future  destiny  of  the  Chinese  people. 

Historians  have  expressed  opinions  of  every  shade 
betwee7i  the  two  extremes  of  regarding  China  as  a 
nation  which,  owing  to  its  peculiar  organisation, 
must  eventually  be  absorbed  into  the  political  system.s 
of  the  European  Powers,  and  the  prophetic  vision  of 
China  as  the  dom.inating  world-influence  of  future 
centuries. 

Economists  have  sought  to  show,  on  the  one  hand, 
that  the  magnificent  labour  supply  of  China,  if  con- 
trolled and  directed  by  the  principles  of  Western  hi- 
dustrialism,  would  so  reduce  the  cost  of  production 
in  every  direction  as  to  effect  a  saving  to  the  world 
comparable  oiily  to  that  which  followed  the  general 
adoptio7i  of  steam-driven  machinery,  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  it  is  confidently  asserted  that,  as  the 
introduction  of  Western  methods  into  China  could 
not  be  expected  to  raise  the  standard  of  living  among 
the  Chinese  people  to  any  considerable  extent,  the  en- 
trance of  the  vast  population  of  the  Middle  Kingdom 
into  free  industrial  competition  with  the  rest  of  tJie 
world  could  only  have  the  effect  of  lowering  the 
standard  of  living  among  the  labouri7ig  people  of 
Europe  and  America. 

The  object  of  the  present  volume  was  to  place  before 
the  public  in  a  compact  form,  the  essential  facts  in 
regard  to  the  political  and  com,m.ercial  relationship 


Pref 


ace 


existing  between  China  and  the  Powers,  and  to  ex- 
hibit in  narrative  form,  unhampered  by  a  ^nass  of 
unnecessary  details,  the  course  of  events  which  has 
taken  China  out  of  her  foinncr  position  of  isolation, 
and  set  her  down,  a  great  pj^oblem,  if  not  a  serious 
menace,  in  the  midst  of  the  Westerjt  nations. 

In  regard  to  the  arrangement  of  the  volume  I  had 
thought  it  best  to  devote  a  prelimiiiary  chapter  to  the 
examination  of  the  various  aspects  of  China  as  a 
problem  calling  for  solution  at  the  hands  of  the 
Powers.  This  will  enable  the  reader  to  appreciate 
the  urgent  im,portance  of  the  Chinese  question,  and 
m,ay  encourage  him  to  pertcse  the  historical  chapters 
which  follow. 

Chapters  II.  to  V.,  inclusive,  relate  to  matters  of 
fact,  not  of  opinion,  and  thus  require  no  justificatio7t. 
The  interruption  of  the  work  at  this  point,  as  ex- 
p tainted  in  the  publisher  s  foreword,  relieves  me  f^om 
the  necessity  ofoffeiang  any  apology  for  the  personal 
views  which  would  necessarily  have  been  reflected  in 
the  concluding  chapter  as  originally  planned. 

Having  been  unable  to  complete  the  work  in  the 
man7ter  in  which  I  undertook  it,  I  have  only  con- 
sented, U7ider  special  solicitation,  to  its  private  publi- 
cation in  a  lim,ited  edition,  in  order  that  the  historical 
'tnatter  and  statistical  tables  which  it  contains  might 
be  accessible. 

Alleyne  Ireland. 

Boston,  1902. 


CHINA  AND    THE    POWERS 

Chapters  in  the  History  of  Chinese 
Intercourse  with  Western   Nations 


Chapter  I. 
THE   CHINESE    PROBLEM. 

The  present  wide-spread  interest  in  China  is  due 
to  sensational  causes ;  but  these  causes,  deplorable 
as  they  are  in  themselves,  may  yet  serve  the  useful 
purpose  of  so  fixing  public  attention  on  the  Celes- 
tial Empire  as  to  insure  a  solution,  by  one  method 
or  another,  of  the  great  and  urgent  problem  which 
the  future  progress  of  China  presents  to  the 
world. 

It  is  not  my  present  purpose  to  examine  the 
prospects  of  China's  political  future  in  the  light  of 
the  conflicting  ambitions  of  the  Great  Powers. 
Such  an  inquiry,  however  exhaustive  in  its  nature, 
would  only  lead  me  back  to  the  point  from  which 
I  wish  to  start;  namely,  the  consideration  of  the 
Chinese  people  as  a  factor  in  human  progress. 
This  method  of  approach  appears  to  possess  some 
considerable  advantage  over  the  other,  from  the 
fact  that,  whereas  the  policy  of  the  Great  Powers 
towards  China  must  be  finally  limited  and  deter- 
mined by  the  attitude  of  China  as  a  nation, —  an 
uncertain  quantity,  only  to  be  measured  in  each 
instance  after  the  event, —  the  social  and  industrial 
development  of  the  Chinese  as  a  people  could  only 
be  to  some  extent  advanced  or  retarded  in  point  of 
time  by  any  conceivable  political  change  effected 
by  the  intrusion  of  the  Great  Powers. 

In  this  chapter  on  "  The  Chinese  Problem,"  I 
limit   myself   to  an    examination  of  the   economic 


4         China  and  the   Powers 

aspect  for  a  reason  which  appears  to  me  sufficient ; 
namely,  that  at  the  present  day  the  political  action 
of  nations  is  determined  almost  entirely  by  eco- 
nomic considerations.  How  true  this  is  in  regard 
to  China,  how  true  it  has  been  during  the  past 
three  centuries,  will  appear  in  the  subsequent 
chapters. 

If  the  Chinese  were  a  people  like  the  Russians, 
the  Germans,  or  the  French,  we  (I  address  chiefly 
American  and  British  readers)  would  observe  any 
marked  increase  in  their  industrial  activity  or  in 
their  national  aggressiveness  with  some  misgivings, 
possibly,  but  certainly  without  any  feeling  that  our 
own  national  existence,  either  social  or  economic, 
was  seriously  threatened  by  what  we  should  be  com- 
pelled to  regard  as  a  progressive  movement  in  a 
fellow-nation.  We  should  flatter  ourselves  that 
what  a  Russian  or  a  German  or  a  Frenchman 
could  do,  an  American  or  an  Englishman  could 
do  at  least  as  well. 

But  it  is  precisely  because  the  Chinaman  differs 
from  all  other  men  that  the  prospect  of  a  radical 
change  in  the  Chinese  life  and  policy  is  viewed  by 
many  intelligent  observers  with  an  interest  not  un- 
mixed with  alarm. 

Although  I  do  not  share  the  view  held  by  some, 
that  China  is  destined  to  become  the  greatest  active 
power  in  the  world,  my  lack  of  acquiescence  is 
measured  rather  by  my  hope  that  the  concerted  ac- 
tion of  the  Great  Powers  will  limit  the  expansion 
of  China  to  those  regions  in  the  tropics  where  she 


The  Chinese   Problem         5 

would  have  all  white  races  at  a  disadvantage,  than 
by  any  belief  that  the  Chinaman,  if  left  to  himself, 
is  incapable  of  developing  the  necessary  amount  of 
self-assertion. 

If  we  supplement  an  estimate  of  the  dynamic 
potentiality  of  the  Chinese  people  by  an  examina- 
tion of  some  of  the  natural  and  artificial  forces 
which  are  likely  to  extend  or  to  limit  the  area  of 
Chinese  activity,  we  may  form  some  idea  of  the 
problem  which  would  be  created  by  the  wholesale 
adoption  by  the  Chinese  of  those  material  aids  to 
progress  which  we  have  so  persistently  endeavoured 
to  thrust  upon  their  unwilling  attention. 

China,  with  her  dependencies,  covers  an  area  of 
4,460,000  square  miles,  and  has  a  population  of 
about  400,000,000.  In  other  words,  her  people  rep- 
resent one-fourth  of  the  population  of  the  globe, 
spread  over  about  one-twelfth  of  its  land  surface. 
The  land  varies  in  fertility  and  in  mineral  resources 
in  the  different  Provinces;  but  it  is  certain  that 
the  country  contains  the  largest  coal  and  iron  de- 
posits within  the  territory  of  any  single  nation. 
Von  Richtofen,  the  German  geologist,  estimates 
that  the  single  Province  of  Shansi  could  supply  the 
whole  world's  requirements  in  coal  and  iron,  at  the 
present  rate  of  consumption,  for  three  thousand 
years ;  and  the  productiveness  of  the  soil  is  at  least 
equal  to  that  of  any  equal  area  in  the  world. 

Up  to  the  present  time  the  vast  resources  of  the 
Chinese  Empire,  with  millions  of  hands  on  the  spot 
to  develop  them,  have  been  practically  closed  to  the 


6         China  and  the   Powers 

world.  The  insignificance  of  the  export  trade  of 
China,  when  compared  with  that  of  other  nations,  will 
be  seen  from  the  following  rough  calculations  :  — 

Exports  of  Domestic  Produce  in  1897. 

Per  Capita. 

China $120,000,000  $0.30 

United  Kingdom 1,170,000,000  29.25 

France 719,000,000  18.43 

Germany 890,000,000  17. 11 

United  States 1,032,000,000  14-74 

From  these  figures  it  is  seen  that  the  average 
value  of  the  annual  exports  per  capita  from  the 
four  Western  nations  is  $19.88  as  compared  with 
30  cents  per  capita  from  China.  If  we  give  China 
the  benefit  of  a  probable  overestimate  of  population 
and  of  a  possible  underestimate  of  exports,  and  if 
we  place  the  exports  at  40  cents  per  capita, —  a 
liberal  allowance, —  we  observe  that  at  the  present 
time  it  takes  fifty  Chinamen  to  place  on  the  world's 
market  an  amount  of  produce  equal  to  that  dis- 
tributed by  one  American  or  European. 

It  would  of  course  be  mere  guess-work  to  try  to 
estimate  the  exact  effect  which  the  general  introduc- 
tion of  machinery,  of  improved  agricultural  methods, 
and  of  adequate  transportation  facilities,  would  have 
upon  the  export  returns  of  that  country;  but  within 
certain  limits  such  a  speculation  may  be  sufficiently 
near  the  truth  as  to  afford  a  basis  for  some  general 
deductions. 

Let  us  suppose,  then,  that  during  the  next  ten 


The  Chinese   Problem         7 

years  China  adopts  Western  methods  to  an  extent 
which  would  still  leave  one  white  man  equal  to  five 
Chinamen  in  productive  efficiency.  The  result 
would  be,  basing  our  calculation  on  the  figures 
given  above,  that  China's  exports  would  amount  to 
not  less  than  $  i  ,600,000,000, —  a  sum  equal  to  the 
total  combined  value  of  domestic  exports  from 
Germany  and  France  in  1897,  and  representing 
seventy-five  per  cent,  of  the  total  exports  from  the 
United  States  and  the  United  Kins^dom  toG:ether. 

It  may  be  suggested  that  China  would  find  a  dif- 
ficulty in  securing  markets  for  such  a  great  quan- 
tity of  produce,  because  in  some  countries  a  strong 
prejudice  exists  against  Chinese  goods ;  and  it  might 
be  expected  that  many  countries  would  erect  formi- 
dable tariffs  against  Chinese  manufactures.  If  we 
admit  that  these  factors  would  play  some  part  in 
determining  the  quantity  and  direction  of  Chinese 
exports,  and  that  the  prejudice  against  Chinese 
goods  would  probably  operate  to  keep  down  a  Chi- 
nese export  trade  to  the  United  States,' to  Austral- 
asia and  Canada,  and,  to  a  lesser  extent,  to  France 
and  Germany,  the  fact  must  not  be  overlooked  that 
a  Chinaman  can  outwork  and  underlive  any  other 
worker  in  the  world,  and  that  this  circumstance 
would  enable  him  to  appeal,  even  in  countries  most 

•  The  trade  of  the  United  States  with  China  is  examined  at  length  in 
the  chapter  on  "  The  Conflicting  Interests  and  Ambitions  of  the  Powers  in 
China";  but  it  may  be  mentioned  here,  as  an  evidence  of  China's  export- 
ing capacity,  that  since  1821  China  has  sold  the  United  States  more  than 
$600,000,000  worth  of  merchandise  in  excess  of  what  she  has  purchased 
from  the  United  States. 


8         China  and  the  Powers 

hostile  to   him,  to   the  natural   preference  of   the 
majority  of  people  for  the  cheaper  product. 

But  the  question  of  Chinese  trade  development 
is  not  primarily  one  of  competition  with  the  white 
man  in  his  home  markets,  but  of  a  rivalry  with 
Europe,  America,  and  Australasia  in  the  tropical 
and  sub-tropical  markets.  The  importance  of  this 
fact  is  made  more  apparent  if  we  consider  the  gen- 
eral prospects  of  trade  development  in  the  future. 
A  moment's  reflection  serves  to  satisfy  us  that 
whatever  increase  may  be  looked  for  in  the  trade  of 
the  European  countries,  of  North  America,  and  of 
non-tropical  Australasia,  a  vastly  greater  propor- 
tional  development  may  be  expected  in  the  trade  of 
the  tropical  and  sub-tropical  countries.  The  white 
man  at  home  has  reached  such  a  high  degree  of  ef- 
ficiency as  a  producer  and  as  a  consumer  that  it 
cannot  be  foreseen  that  the  rate  of  progress  to  be 
observed  during  the  past  century  will  be  main- 
tained during  the  century  upon  which  we  have  just 
entered.  The  people  of  the  tropics,  on  the  other 
hand,  are  still  in  a  very  low  stage  of  productive  effi- 
ciency ;  and  their  value  as  consumers  is  proportion- 
ately small.  I  have  shown  elsewhere '  that  in  the 
British  Empire  the  productive  efficiency  of  the 
tropical  as  compared  with  the  non-tropical  man  is 
as  I  to  23,  and  that  the  value  of  the  former  as  a 
consumer  is  as  i  to  17  compared  with  the  value 
of  the  latter.  It  is  certain,  moreover,  that  in  the 
tropics  outside  the  British  Empire  —  under  less  effi- 

'  Tropical  Colonisation,  pp.  no,  in. 


The  Chinese  Problem         9 

cient  forms  of  government,  and  with  less  protection 
for  the  products  of  industry  —  the  economic  value 
of  the  tropical  man  is  even  less  than  this. 

Concisely,  the  formula  which  I  would  deduce 
from  the  above  facts  is  this :  that  the  difference 
between  actual  and  normally  potential  economic 
efficiency  is  so  much  greater  in  the  tropical  man 
than  in  the  non-tropical  man  that  it  is  reasonable 
to  anticipate  that  the  trade  of  the  former  could  be 
doubled  in  the  time  which  would  be  required  to 
raise  the  trade  of  the  latter  by  thirty  per  cent. 

Now,  even  if  we  omit  from  our  calculations  the 
possibility  (which  will  be  examined  later)  of  large 
portions  of  the  tropics  and  of  the  sub-tropics  be- 
coming preponderatingly  Chinese  in  the  composi- 
tion of  their  population,  it  is  clear  that  in  these 
markets  we  shall  be  compelled  to  enter  into  an 
open  rivalry  with  Chinese  products.  The  areas  in 
which  the  competition  of  a  vitalised  Chinese  trade 
would  be  most  likely  to  affect  American  and  Euro- 
pean exports  are  these  —  and  it  should  be  noted 
that  in  each  of  these  countries  the  Chinaman  could 
settle  and  thrive,  and  that  in  some  of  them  he  has 
already  done  so,  whilst  in  most  of  them  the  white 
man  must  always  remain  a  temporary  resident, — 
India,  Ceylon,  Burmah,  Siam,  the  Straits  Settle- 
ments, Borneo,  New  Guinea,  the  Pacific  islands, 
tropical  Africa,  Mauritius,  Brazil,  Peru,  Chile,  the 
Central  American  republics,  Ecuador,  Bolivia,  and 
Venezuela. 

The  commercial  problem  created  by  the  prospect 


lo       China  and  the   Powers 

of  an  economic  awakening  of  China  may  be  said  to 
consist  in  its  simplest  form  of  the  possible  exclusion 
of  the  white  races  from  participation  in  the  ad- 
vantages which  would  follow  a  great  increase  in  the 
economic  efficiency  of  the  tropical  and  of  the  sub- 
tropical peoples. 

Up  to  this  point,  we  have,  however,  only  consid- 
ered the  effect  which  a  simple  economic  develop= 
ment  of  China,  unaccompanied  by  other  great 
changes  in  the  national  life  and  policy,  would  have 
upon  the  commercial  prospects  of  the  white  nations. 
If  we  now  introduce  a  new  factor, —  namely,  a  pos- 
sible change  in  the  social  economy  or  habit  of  the 
Chinese  people, —  we  find  that  the  commercial  prob- 
lem becomes  greatly  complicated. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that,  notwithstanding  the  gen- 
eral spread  of  education,  the  vast  majority  of  people 
appear  to  have  but  a  slight  knowledge  of  the  geog- 
raphy of  the  earth.  For  instance,  my  own  expe- 
rience has  been  that  not  more  than  one  person  out 
of  five  amongst  educated  people  to  whom  I  have 
put  the  inquiry  has  known  that  Liverpool  is  to  the 
east  of  Edinburgh,  that  Calcutta  is  within  a  few 
miles  of  being  in  the  north  temperate  zone,  and 
that  Glasgow  is  in  the  same  latitude  as  Southern 
Alaska.  I  refer  to  this  because  I  imagine  that  many 
of  the  popular  misconceptions  about  the  physiolog- 
ical and  psychological  make-up  of  the  Chinaman  are 
to  be  traced  to  a  general  impression  that  the  Chi- 
nese are  a  tropical  people.  Of  course,  when  we  de- 
liberately set  out  to  consider  the  matter,  we  realise 


The  Chinese   Problem 


TI 


at  once  that  only  a  small  part  of  China  lies  within 
the  tropics,  and  that  a  great  part  of  the  empire  en- 
joys a  winter  at  least  as  severe  as  that  of  New  Eng- 
land. But  for  most  people  the  Chinaman  falls  into 
the  same  category  as  the  Filipino,  the  Bengalee, 
and  the  Negro ;  and  only  those  who  have  had  reason 
to  pay  some  attention  to  Chinese  affairs  bear  con- 
stantly in  mind  the  fact  that  the  climatic  discipline 
of  the  Chinaman  has  been  that  of  the  Frenchman, 
the  German,  the  Austrian,  the  American,  and  the 
Briton. 

It  is  most  important  that  we  should  place  the 
Chinaman  where  he  belongs  geographically,  if  we 
would  avoid  falling  into  the  error  of  supposing  that, 
as  a  factor  in  future  industrial  competition  and  in  the 
coming  struggle  for  race  supremacy,  he  is  no  more 
to  be  taken  into  account  than  the  East  Indian  or 
the  Negro. 

Now  what  manner  of  man  is  the  Chinaman  in 
point  of  fact  ?  He  has  been  described  over  and 
over  again  by  hundreds  of  writers;  but  I  select 
three  brief  descriptions,  in  order  that  we  may  have 
a  clear  conception  of  him  before  we  proceed  to  dis- 
cuss the  prospect  of  his  social  expansion.  "  Experi- 
ence  proves,"  says  his  Excellency,  Wu  Ting-Fang, 
the  Chinese  ambassador  at  Washington,  "  that  the 
Chinese  as  all-round  labourers  can  easily  distance 
all  competitors.  They  are  industrious,  intelligent, 
and  orderly.  They  can  work  under  conditions  that 
would  kill  a  man  of  less  hardy  race ;  in  heat  that 
would  suit  a  salamander  or  in  cold  that  would  please 


12 


China  and  the   Powers 


a  polar  bear,  sustaining  their  energies  through 
long  hours  of  unremitting  toil  with  only  a  few 
bowls  of  rice."  {North  American  Review^  July, 
1 900.) 

"  The  Chinese  are  an  active,  energetic  race. 
For  ages  there  has  been  with  them  a  survival  of 
the  hardiest.  Trained  from  youth  to  subsist  on 
the  most  meagre  diet,  to  get  along  with  little  sleep, 
and  to  work  patiently  for  twelve  or  fourteen  hours 
a  day,  these  men  scoff  at  difficulties  and  exertions 
which  would,  within  a  year,  weary  a  European  to 
death."  (Reinsch,  World  Politics  at  the  End  of  the 
Nineteenth  Century.) 

"  A  people  of  hundreds  of  millions,  disciplined 
for  thousands  of  years  to  the  most  untiring  industry 
and  the  most  self-denying  thrift,  under  conditions 
which  would  mean  worse  than  death  for  our  work- 
ing masses.  A  people,  in  short,  quite  content  to 
strive  to  the  utmost  in  exchange  for  the  simple 
privilege  of  life."  (Lafcadio  Hearn,  Atlantic 
Monthly,  April,   1896.) 

Such  is  the  man,  and,  when  we  consider  the  area 
of  his  usefulness,  we  are  confronted  with  the  fact 
that  he  can  live  and  thrive  and  multiply  in  any 
part  of  the  habitable  world ;  whilst  the  white  man, 
if  he  is  to  retain  his  race  characteristics,  must 
always  remain  a  bird  of  passage  in  almost  every 
country  lying  between  30°  N.  and  30°  S. 

If  we  reject  the  possibility  of  the  Chinese  ever 
penetrating  in  force  either  to  the  north  or  to  the 
south    of   the    above   limit,  we   are  still  forced    to 


The  Chinese   Problem       13 

admit  that  the  higher  races  cannot  hope  to  people 
any  of  the  northern  hemisphere  outside  of  Europe, 
North  America,  and  Russian  Asia,  and  that  the 
whole  of  the  southern  hemisphere,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  non-tropical  Australasia  and  possibly  of  Cape 
Colony  and  Natal,  must  derive  its  future  population 
from  what  we  loosely  call  the  lower  races.  It  is 
significant  that  even  in  the  United  States,  in  Can- 
ada, and  in  Australasia,  countries  in  which  the 
white  man  has  the  best  possible  chance  of  develop- 
ment and  in  which  he  has  least  to  fear  from  the 
competition  of  alien  races,  the  dread  of  the  China- 
man has  found  expression  in  stringent  legislation 
limiting  his  immigration. 

Fortunately,  up  to  the  present  time,  the  Chinese 
people  have  turned  their  eyes  away  from  extensive 
emigration,  and  have  thus  failed  to  use  efificiently 
their  superior  physiological  adaptability.  This 
neglect  of  opportunity  is  attributable  to  a  great 
variety  of  causes,  most  of  which  are  sufficiently 
well  understood  by  students  of  sociology.  Amongst 
the  most  obvious  may  be  named  the  extent  and 
natural  resources  of  the  home  territory,  which  have 
rendered  emigration  unnecessary  from  economic 
motives;  the  intense  conservatism  of  the  Chinese 
people,  due,  in  a  great  measure,  to  the  fact  that 
until  within  the  present  century  China  has  been 
absolutely  self-sufficient,  and  has  had  little  inter- 
course with  foreign  nations;  the  disinclination  of 
the  Chinaman  to  separate  himself  from  his  asso- 
ciates in  the  innumerable  secret  societies,  the  pro- 


14       China  and  the   Powers 

tection  of  which  constitutes  for  him  a  sort  of  vested 
interest;  and  the  impossibility  of  performing  in 
foreign  countries  the  various  offices  connected  with 
the  national  system  of  ancestor-worship. 

Notwithstanding  these  deterrent  factors,  China- 
men have  emigrated  in  such  numbers  that,  although 
their  absence  is  not  felt  at  home,  their  presence  has 
exerted  a  powerful  influence  abroad.  Thus  in  the 
East  the  Chinaman  is  found  in  ever-increasing 
numbers  in  the  Malay  Peninsula,  in  Java,  in  Siam, 
in  Borneo,  in  New  Guinea,  in  the  Philippine 
Islands,  in  Burmah,  in  Sumatra,  and  in  Mauritius ; 
whilst  he  has  penetrated  as  far  west  as  Hawaii, 
Central  and  South  America,  and  the  West  Indies. 

There  is  every  reason  to  suppose  that  throughout 
the  tropics,  possibly  excepting  India,  the  Chinaman, 
even  should  he  continue  to  emigrate  in  no  greater 
force  than  he  has  done  hitherto,  will  gradually 
supersede  all  the  native  races.  The  reason  of  this 
is  not  far  to  seek.  The  one  thing  in  which  tropical 
countries  are  deficient  is  an  effective  labour  supply. 
The  economic  history  of  the  tropics  during  the 
past  three  centuries  is  largely  a  narrative  of  the 
efforts  made  by  the  land-owners  to  secure  labour  for 
the  development  of  their  properties.  The  autoch- 
thonous races  were  utilised  until  they  disappeared 
under  the  strain  of  steady  and  severe  toil.  Then 
slavery  was  tried  and  discarded,  and  there  followed 
various  systems  of  imported  contract  labour.  We 
find  that  the  labour  supply  of  the  tropics  subse- 
quently to  the  abolition  of  slavery  has  consisted  of 


The  Chinese   Problem       15 

free  Negroes,  for  the  most  part  quite  unreliable,  and 
of  East  Indian  and  Chinese  imported  contract 
labourers.  These  imported  contract  labourers, 
either  East  Indians  or  Chinese,  were  introduced, 
and  in  most  instances  are  still  being  introduced,  into 
Jamaica,  Trinidad,  Martinique,  St.  Lucia,  Guada- 
loupe,  British,  Dutch,  and  French  Guiana,  Cuba, 
Peru,  Hawaii,  the  Fiji  Islands,  Natal,  Mauritius,  the 
Straits  Settlements,  Java  and  Queensland ;  and  a 
great  number  of  unindentured  Chinese  have  gone 
to  the  Philippine  Islands, 

As  there  is  no  possibility  of  white  labour  being 
utilised  in  most  parts  of  the  tropics,  the  choice  lies 
between  the  Chinaman,  the  Negro,  and  the  East 
Indian.  But  the  Chinaman  is  under  all  circum- 
stances a  better  labourer  than  either  of  the  others ; 
for  he  has  infinitely  more  industry  than  the  former, 
and  infinitely  more  strength  and  staying  power  than 
the  latter.  So  great  is  his  superiority  that  I  am 
satisfied  from  my  own  observation  that  the  tropical 
planter  would  prefer  a  good  supply  of  unindentured 
Chinamen  even  to  East  Indians  bound  by  contract. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  secure  any  reliable  statis- 
tics exhibiting  the  effect  which  Chinese  imported 
contract  labour  has  had  upon  the  population  of  the 
countries  employing  it;  but  the  following  figures 
relating  to  the  population  of  British  Guiana  show, 
in  a  striking  manner,  the  effect  of  East  Indian 
immigration.  And,  if  we  accept  these  figures  as 
affording  a  guide  to  the  possible  results  of  even  a 
moderate  Chinese  saturation  of  the  tropics,  we  shall 
be  certainly  making  an  underestimate. 


i6       China  and  the   Powers 

Composition  of  Population  of  British  Guiana. 


Census  of 

Census  of 

Census  of 

Estimate  for 

1831 

1861 

1S91 

1901 

White     .     . 

.          3-2  2% 

7-77% 

6.18% 

6.00% 

Black     .     . 

.       96.78% 

75-48% 

53-45% 

44-87% 

East  Indian 

00.00% 

14.98% 

38.98% 

47-13% 

Others   .     . 

.       00.00% 

^■Tllo 

1.39% 

2.00% 

100.00% 

100.00% 

100.00% 

100.00% 

In  the  above  figures  aboriginal  Indians,  of  whom 
there  are  about  10,000,  are  not  taken  into  account; 
and  mixed  races  are  counted  as  black,  thus  giving 
the  black  a  liberal  estimate. 

It  is  seen  that  the  whites  scarcely  hold  their  own, 
notwithstanding  the  fact  that  many  thousands, 
chiefly  Portuguese,  have  been  imported  as  labour- 
ers. The  blacks,  on  the  other  hand,  have  fallen  in 
number  from  96.78%  to  44.87%  of  the  population, 
whilst  the  East  Indians  have  increased  in  forty 
years  from  14.98%  to  47.13%. 

If  we  consider  the  peculiar  character  of  the 
Chinese  people,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  they  will 
have  a  more  radical  influence  on  the  population  of 
the  tropical  countries  to  which  they  emigrate  than 
that  exerted  by  the  East  Indians;  and,  bearing  this 
in  mind,  we  see  that  the  prospect  of  the  tropical 
regions  becoming  Chinese,  socially  at  least,  is  not 
unreasonable. 

Still,  leaving  out  of  the  question  a  political 
expansion  of  China,  it  may  be  profitable  to  inquire 
whether  there  is  any  reasonable  likelihood  that  the 


The  Chinese   Problem       17 

well-known  aversion  of  the  Chinese  to  emigrate 
might  be  increased  to  such  an  extent  as  to  operate 
as  a  complete  check ;  in  other  words,  whether  we 
could  deprive  the  Chinese  of  the  motives  which 
impel  the  emigration  of  the  small  number  who 
normally  quit  the  country  each  year. 

In  order  to  determine  this,  we  must  inquire  into 
the  causes  which  lie  at  the  back  of  Chinese  emiafra- 
tion.  Broadly  speaking,  Chinese  emigrants  may  be 
divided  into  four  classes  :  — 

(i)  Criminals  escaping  from  justice. 

(2)  Those  who  are  immediately  threatened  with 
persecution  from  the  high  ofificials  of  the  Southern 
Provinces  or  who  have  already  suffered  such  perse- 
cution. 

(3)  Those  whose  friends  or  relatives  have  emi- 
grated, and  have  carried  or  sent  back  the  news  of 
the  protection  for  the  fruits  of  industry  which  is  to 
be  found  in  most  countries  governed  by  white  men. 

(4)  Those  who  are  influenced  by  the  pictures  of 
the  prosperity  and  freedom  of  Christian  countries 
which  the  missionaries  paint  for  their  following. 

It  is  thus  seen  that,  if  the  Chinese  government 
were  conducted  on  the  principles  which  guide 
Western  nations,  if,  in  short,  a  vigorous  reform 
movement  were  successfully  carried  out,  the  motives 
for  emigration  would  no  longer  be  strong  enough 
to  overcome  the  Chinaman's  preference  for  staying 
at  home ;  and  he  would  then  remain  in  China, 
and  worship  the  bones  of  his  ancestors,  at  least 
until,  perhaps  a  century  hence,  the  population 
began  to  press  on  the  means  of  subsistence. 


i8       China  and  the  Powers 

When  emigration  became  an  economic  necessity, 
China  might,  and  probably  would,  expand  socially 
without  pressing  on  over-sea  territory.  A  glance 
at  the  map  shows  that  the  natural  outlet  for  Chinese 
expansion  is  in  Thibet,  Burmah,  Cochin-China,  and 
Siam ;  for,  although  Russia  may  press  on  China  from 
the  north,  no  formidable  competitor  exists  to  the 
south,  where  France  is  helpless  in  Indo-China, 
where  Siam  could  not,  if  it  would,  prevent  an  influx 
of  Chinese,  and  where  England,  in  Burmah  and  in 
the  Malay  Peninsula  is  prepared  to  accept  the 
Chinaman  as  an  immigrant. 

Under  the  foregoing  conditions,  it  is  clear  that 
the  Chinese  saturation  of  the  tropics  may  be  con- 
ceivably delayed  for  a  considerable  period,  and  that 
the  stress  of  a  possible  Chinese  commercial  compe- 
tition would  thus  be  lessened  to  the  extent  of  saving 
the  tropical  and  sub-tropical  markets  from  becoming 
Chinese  in  the  nature  of  their  requirements,  at  any 
rate  in  the  very  near  future. 

Up  to  this  point  we  have  considered  the  question 
of  Chinese  race-supremacy  in  the  tropics  on  the 
supposition  that  the  natural  course  of  events  would 
not  be  interfered  with  by  the  adoption  of  a  definite 
policy  of  expansion  by  the  Chinese  government. 
But  it  is  by  no  means  beyond  the  range  of  possi- 
bility that  China  may,  at  no  distant  date,  embark  on 
a  policy  of  territorial  expansion.  Indeed,  there  are 
many  reasons  for  supposing  that,  given  the  neces- 
sary conditions,  China  would  certainly  look  for 
an  extension  of  her  political  influence  in  new 
directions. 


The  Chinese  Problem       19 

If  those  who  predict  the  complete  political  dis- 
memberment of  China  are  correct  in  their  forecast, 
there  will  be  of  course  no  Chinese  national  policy 
in  the  future ;  but  I  think  that  there  is  ample  rea- 
son to  doubt  the  correctness  of  this  view. 

Two  powerful  factors  combine  to  insure  the 
endurance  of  China  as  a  political  unit :  one  is  the 
hostile  attitude  of  the  United  States  and  of  Great 
Britain  towards  any  wholesale  cutting  up  of  the 
empire ;  and  the  other  is  that  throughout  the  central 
and  southern  Provinces  the  climatic  conditions  will 
always  render  impossible  a  permanent  occupation 
by  white  men.  It  may  indeed  be  doubted  whether 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  although  they 
might  forbid  the  permanent  occupation  of  Chinese 
territory  by  France,  Germany,  or  Italy,  would  go  so 
far  as  to  forcibly  oppose  the  southern  extension  of 
Russia's  Siberian  boundary  or  the  acquisition  of 
Corea  by  Japan.  But  the  utmost  that  is  at  all 
likely  to  happen  is  that  Russia  should  occupy 
Manchuria  and  Mongolia,  and  that  Japan  should 
take  possession  of  the  Corean  peninsula. 

If  this  should  occur,  China  would  certainly  seek 
compensation  to  the  south,  where,  from  climatic 
reasons,  no  European  race  could  hope  successfully 
to  resist  her  advance;  and  the  absorption  of 
Cochin-China,  and,  more  remotely,  of  Siam  and 
Southern  Thibet,  would  follow. 

Even  if  we  conceive  China  as  shorn  of  her  north- 
ern Provinces,  and  for  a  time  checked  in  her 
southern  advance,  we  still  have  a   great  Chinese 


20 


China  and  the   Powers 


nation,  at  least  capable  of  a  definite  foreign  policy. 
It  seems  probable  that,  whatever  may  be  the  imme- 
diate issue  of  the  present  situation,  the  China 
which  remains  intact  will  develop  into  a  formi- 
dable military  and  naval  power. 

The  "  Boxer  "  revolution,  which  in  its  origin  is  a 
patriotic  movement,  having  as  its  main  object  the 
achievement  of  a  policy  of  "  China  for  the  Chinese," 
will  probably  be  followed  by  a  great  increase  in  the 
military  and  naval  forces  of  the  empire.  With  400,- 
000,000  people  to  draw  from,  with  the  revenue  which 
a  reformed  administration  could  procure  from  such 
a  population,  and  with  the  unlimited  natural  re- 
sources of  the  country  at  her  disposal,  China  could 
easily  make  herself  the  dominant  power  of  the  Far 
East. 

In  this  position,  what  would  her  policy  be  ? 
Would  she  be  content  to  accept  the  loss  of  Man- 
churia and  Mongolia  as  an  accomplished  fact,  or 
would  she  embark  on  a  campaign  of  reprisal .? 

In  any  event,  the  industrial  development  which 
may  be  expected  to  follow  even  a  moderate  degree 
of  internal  reform,  if  accompanied  by  the  adoption 
of  Western  industrial  methods,  will  soon  set  China 
at  work  seeking  foreign  markets.  If  these  are 
accorded  her,  she  may,  in  the  absence  of  an  aggres- 
sive national  policy,  look  forward  to  a  long  period 
of  peaceful  progress,  relieved  by  an  overflow  of 
population  to  the  south,  unaccompanied  by  any 
extension  of  her  political  influence.  But,  if  she 
finds  her  goods  shut  out  from  Japan,  from  Russian 


The  Chinese  Problem 


21 


and  French  Asia,  from  the  Phihppines,  and  from 
the  Dutch  East  Indies,  China  may  be  forced  to 
follow  the  example  of  Great  Britain,  and  occupy 
large  tracts  of  land,  for  trade  purposes,  which  other- 
wise she  might  have  been  content  to  see  under  the 
political  control  of  other  nations. 

The  prospect  of  a  powerful  and  united  China 
driven  through  the  narrow  commercial  policy  of 
the  more  civilised  Powers  into  a  fight  for  markets 
is  not  a  pleasant  one ;  and  it  is  doubtful  whether, 
having  secured  them,  she  would  select  rather  to 
follow  the  lead  of  Great  Britain  in  throwing  them 
open  to  the  world  or  to  take  a  leaf  out  of  the  book 
of  France,  and  practically  close  her  colonial  ports  to 
all  foreign  merchandise. 

The  Chinese  problem  is  serious  enough  already, 
without  the  added  complications  which  would  follow 
prolonged  hostilities;  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that 
the  Powers  will  realise  that  the  best  thing  to  be 
done,  after  exacting  full  reparation  for  the  recent 
outrages,  is  to  leave  China  to  develop  naturally 
along  the  lines  of  least  resistance. 


Chapter    II. 

EARLY   EUROPEAN    INTERCOURSE 
WITH    CHINA. 

The  exact  time  of  the  first  European  intercourse 
with  China  is  still  a  matter  of  doubt.  If  we  accept 
"  Europe  "  as  a  political  rather  than  a  geographical 
term,  the  conjectural  period  of  Chinese  intercourse 
with  Europe  extends  from  the  eighth  century  before 
Christ  to  the  second  century  of  the  Christian  era. 

The  various  conjectures  covering  this  period  may 
be  briefly  summarised.  The  prophet  Isaiah  '  in  the 
passage  which  begins,  "  Thus  saith  the  Lord,  In  an 
acceptable  time  have  I  heard  thee,  and  in  a  day  of 
salvation  have  I  helped  thee,"  says,  "Behold,  these 
shall  come  from  far :  and,  lo,  these  from  the  north 
and  from  the  west ;  and  these  from  the  land  of 
Sinim."  If,  as  some  writers  assert,  the  land  of 
Sinim  was  China,  Isaiah  was  the  first  Western 
writer  who  is  known  to  have  mentioned  the 
Celestial  Empire. 

It  is  said  that  after  the  dispersion  of  the  Jews, 
742  B.C.,  wandering  companies  of  the  Ten  Tribes 
found  their  way  to  China.  In  support  of  this  view, 
it  is  pointed  out  that  a  remarkable  similarity  exists 
between  many  Chinese  customs  and  ceremonies 
and  those  of  the  Jews ;  for  instance,  the  feasts  of 
the  new  moons,  the  number  of  the  civil  courts,  the 

*  Isaiah,  xlix.  8-12.  See  The  Land  of  Sinim,  by  Walter  N.  Lowrie,  2d 
edition  (Philadelphia,  1850),  and  Bibliotheca  Sinica,  by  Henri  Cordier  (Paris, 
1885),  vol.  ii.  p.  S76. 


Early.  Intercourse  23 

principle  of  a  life  for  a  life,  the  patriarchal  form  of 
government,  tithes,  night-watches,  eating  sacrificed 
offerings  and  making  merry,  and  the  use  of  phylac- 
teries. The  Jewish  high  priest  wore  eight  gar- 
ments and  a  girdle,  could  not  marry  a  widow  or  a 
divorced  woman,  entered  into  the  Sanctum  Sancto- 
rum once  a  year,  was  priest  and  law-giver,  and 
could  alone  pray  for  the  people, —  all  characteristics 
of  the  Chinese  as  well  as  of  the  Jewish  ceremonial. 
Two  Arab  travellers,  Ibn  Vahab  and  Abuzaid,  who 
visited  China  in  the  ninth  century  of  our  era,  left 
a  narrative  of  their  adventures,  in  which  Jews  in 
China  are  referred  to  ;  and,  although  this  in  no  way 
directly  supports  the  claim  of  the  earlier  Jewish 
migration,  the  fact  is  of  interest  as  an  evidence  of 
the  wide  dispersion  of  the  Jews  at  that  period,  in 
conformity  with  the  decree,  "  The  Lord  shall  scatter 
thee  among  all  people,  from  the  one  end  of  the 
earth  even  unto  the  other." ' 

The  Greek  historian  Arrian,  a  disciple  of  Epic- 
tetus,  who  flourished  in  the  second  century  before 
Christ,  speaks  of  the  Sinae  or  Thinae,  a  people  of 
remote  Asia,  generally  identified  as  the  Chinese ; 
and  Strabo,  the  Greek  geographer  (first  century 
before  Christ),  in  his  Geography  refers  to  a  map 
of  Eratosthenes  (third  century  before  Christ)  on 
which  was  marked  Thina  at  the  eastern  extremity 
of    the  earth,    in    the    latitude  of    Rhodes,    which 

*  Deuteronomy,  xxviii.  64.  For  an  account  of  the  Jews  in  China,  consult 
Versuch  einer  Geschichte  der  Juden  in  Sina,  C.  G.  von  Murr  (Halle, 
1806) ;  Essai  stir  les  Juifs  de  la  Chine,  I'Abbe  A.  Sionnet  (Paris,  1837) ;  and 
The  Jews  in  China,  James  Finn  (London,  1843). 


24       China  and  the   Powers 

would  correspond  sufficiently  with  the  ancient 
Chinese  capital. 

Amongst  the  early  Latin  writers,  both  Horace 
and  Virgil  (first  century  before  Christ)  refer  to  a 
people  called  Seres  and  to  the  fabrics  serica  and 
bombycina,  the  former  possibly  and  the  latter  cer- 
tainly a  silken  fabric ;  but  whether  the  Seres  were 
the  Chinese  or  a  people  living  to  the  west  of  China, 
who  bought  silk  from  the  Chinese  and  then  passed 
it  on  to  Rome,  remains  undecided. 

Gutzlaff  thus  sums  up  the  argument  for  a  very 
early  Roman  intercourse  with  China:  "The  inter- 
course between  the  Chinese  and  the  Roman  Em- 
pire must  have  been  carried  on  at  a  very  early 
period.  Whether  we  recognise  the  latter  under  the 
Chinese  name  Ftih-lin  or  Ta-tsing,  of  which  the 
Chinese  give  us  a  splendid  description,  without 
pointing  out  the  situation  of  this  empire,  matters 
very  little.  Rome  stood  in  want  of  silk,  silk  was 
only  brought  from  China,  and  therefore  some  com- 
mercial relation  must  have  existed." '  But  this  neat 
syllogism  really  carries  us  no  further  in  the  direc- 
tion of  our  inquiry ;  for,  if  we  admit  that  Rome  had 
silk,  and  that  silk  could  only  come  from  China, 
the  trade  might  have  been  carried  on  for  centuries 
by  means  of  middlemen, —  the  Parthians,  for  in- 
stance,—  without  any  direct  contact  of  China  and 
Rome. 

Coming  now  to  the  commencement  of  the  Chris- 

*  C.  Gutzlaff,  A  Sketch  of  Chinese  History,  Ancient  and  Modern,  vol. 
ii.  p.  102. 


Early  Intercourse  25 

tian  era,  the  most  interesting  conjecture  to  be 
noted  is  that  Saint  Thomas,  the  Apostle,  visited 
China,  and  built  a  church  at  Kambalu  (Peking). 
Although  there  is  little  evidence  of  this  fact,  beyond 
the  statement  of  Assemani,'  titular  Archbishop  of 
Tyre,  and  librarian  of  the  Vatican  Library  in  the 
early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  there  is  a 
strong  presumption  in  favour  of  Saint  Thomas  hav- 
ing gone  as  far  as  Madras ;  ^  and,  if  he  did  not  go 
to  China,  it  is  quite  possible  that  some  of  his 
immediate  disciples  visited  that  country. 

References  to  Saint  Thomas  as  the  Apostle 
of  China  are  to  be  found  in  the  Breviary  of 
the  Church  of  Malabar  and  in  the  Epitome  of 
the  Syrian  Canons ;  ^  but  the  legend  rests  on 
such  slight  testimony  that  it  is  not  worthy  of 
credence. 

Probably  the  earliest  direct  reference  to  China 
in  Western  writings  is  to  be  found  in  Ptolemy's 
Geography  (yewypa4>LKr]  v4>y]yr]aLq),  Written  in  the 
second  century  a.d.*  The  first  undisputed  direct 
intercourse  between  China  and  Europe  occurred 
during  the  reign  of  the  Roman  Emperor  Marcus 
Aurelius,  who  sent  a  number  of  merchants  to 
China  by  the  sea  route  in  i6i,  in  order  to  try  to 
establish  a  regular  trade  in  silk.     The  mission  was 

'  W.  H.  Medhurst,  China  :  Its  State  and  Prospects,  p.  221. 
^L'Abbe   Hue,    Christianity  in    China,  vol.   i.  pp.  17-32  (New  York, 
1857). 

3  Gutzlaff,  ut  supra,  vol.  ii.  pp.  39,  40. 

^S.  Wells  Williams,  The  Middle  Kingdom,  vol.  ii.  pp.  418,  419  (4th 
edition,  New  York,  187 1). 


26       China  and  the   Powers 

a  failure,  as  the  Chinese  showed  themselves  averse 
to  dealing  with  the  foreigners.' 

Following  the  unsuccessful  attempt  of  the  Roman 
traders  is  a  period  of  five  centuries,  during  which 
the  only  suggestion  of  European  intercourse  with 
China  —  prior  to  the  arrival  of  the  Nestorian  mis- 
sionary O-lo-pen  —  is  contained  in  a  passage  from 
a  Syrian  writer,  Ebedjesus,  who  mentions  that 
■  some  writers  —  with  whom,  however,  he  did  not 
agree  —  claimed  that  the  metropolitan  see  of  China 
was  instituted  by  Achaeus,  Archbishop  of  Seleucia, 
and  head  of  the  orthodox  Chaldean  Christians 
from  411  to  415.  L'Abbe  Hue,  who  was  naturally 
anxious  to  place  the  first  Christian  mission  to 
China  at  a  date  prior  to  the  Nestorian  heresy, 
argues  that,  if  the  metropolitan  see  of  China  was 
instituted  by  Saliba-Zacha,  Patriarch  of  the  Nesto- 
rians  from  711  to  728,  as  is  asserted  by  Ebedjesus, 
it  is  a  proof  that  the  Nestorian  O-lo-pen,  who 
arrived  in  China  in  650,  was  not  the  first  Christian 
missionary  to  visit  China ;  for  the  institution  qf  a 
metropolitan  see  presupposed  a  flourishing  church 
already  established,  and  the  time  which  elapsed 
between  the  arrival  of  O-lo-pen  and  the  period  of 
Saliba-Zacha  (about  sixty-five  years)  would  not  have 
sufficed  to  produce  in  China  a  state  of  Christianity 
which  would  have  justified  the  institution  of  the 
metropolitan  see.^     Thus,  according  to  the  Abbe, 

'  Sir  John  Francis  Davis,  China  :  A  General  Description  of  that  Coun- 
try and  its  Inhabitants,  vol.  i.  p.  3. 

*  L'Abbe  Hue,  ut  supra,  vol.  i.  pp.  41,  42. 


Early   Intercourse  27 

there  must  have  been  Christian  missionaries  in 
China  before  the  time  of  O-lo-pen. 

Leaving  the  conjectures  of  the  Abbe  Hue,  we 
come  once  more  to  solid  ground,  by  reference  to  the 
stone  inscriptions  of  Si-gnan-fou,  bearing  the  date 
781  A.D.  This  tablet  was  discovered  at  Si-gnan- 
fou  in  the  Province  of  Shan-si  in  1625.  It  was 
erected  in  781  a.d.,  to  commemorate  the  introduc- 
tion of  Christianity  into  China  by  the  Nestorian 
missionary  O-lo-pen.  The  inscription,  which  was 
written  by  Lu-Siu-yen,  Court  Councillor  of  Kien- 
Chung,  ninth  emperor  of  the  Tang  Dynasty,  runs 
in  part:  "In  the  reign  of  the  Taitsung,  the  illus- 
trious and  holy  enlarger  of  the  Tang  Dynasty,  there 
was  in  Judea  a  man  of  superior  virtue,  called 
O-lo-pen,  who,  guided  by  the  azure  clouds,  bearing 
the  true  Scriptures,  and  observing  the  laws  of  the 
winds,  made  his  way  through  dangers  and  difficul- 
ties. In  the  year  a.d.  636  he  arrived  at  Chang- 
ngan.  The  emperor  instructed  his  minister,  Duke 
Tang-Hiuenling,  to  take  the  imperial  sceptre  and 
go  out  to  the  western  suburbs,  receive  the  guest, 
and  conduct  him  to  the  palace.  The  Scriptures 
were  translated  in  the  library  of  the  palace.  The 
emperor,  in  his  private  apartments,  made  inquiry 
regarding  the  religion ;  and,  fully  satisfied  that  it 
was  correct  and  true,  he  gave  special  commands  for 
its  promulgation. 

"  The  document  (of  promulgation),  bearing  date 
Chingkwan  (the  reigning  title  of  Taitsung),  12th 
year,    7th    month   (August,   a.d.  639),    runs    thus: 


28       China  and  the   Powers 

'  Religion  is  without  an  invariable  name.  Saints 
are  without  any  permanent  body.  In  whatever 
region  they  are,  they  give  instruction,  and  privately 
succor  the  living  multitudes.  O-lo-pen,  a  man  of 
great  virtue,  belonging  to  the  kingdom  of  Judea, 
bringing  the  Scriptures  and  images  from  afar,  has 
come  and  presented  them  at  our  capital.  On 
examining  the  meaning  of  his  instruction,  it  is 
found  to  be  pure,  mysterious,  and  separate  from 
the  world.  On  observing  its  origin,  it  is  seen  to 
have  been  instituted  as  that  which  is  essential  to 
mankind.  Its  language  is  simple,  its  reasonings 
are  attractive,  and  to  the  human  race  it  is  bene- 
ficial. As  is  right,  let  it  be  promulgated  through- 
out the  empire.  Let  the  appropriate  Board  build 
a  Judean  church  in  the  Righteous  and  Holy  street 
of  the  capital,  and  appoint  thereto  twenty-one 
priests.' " ' 

The  period  between  the  mission  of  O-lo-pen  and 
the  arrival  in  China  of  Marco  Polo  in  1275  is  rather 
bare  of  records.  Beyond  the  narrative  of  the  Arab 
travellers,  Abuzaid  and  Ibn  Vahab,  there  is  little 
to  be  noted  except  the  Prester  John  myth,^ 
which  was  extraordinarily  persistent  during  the 
Middle  Ages,  and  which  is  connected  with  China 
by  the  fact  that  Marco  Polo  makes  several  refer- 

'  In  regard  to  the  inscriptions  of  Si-gnan-fou  see  Hue's  Christianity  in 
China,  vol.  i.  pp.  44-74,  and  S.  Wells  Williams's  The  Middle  Kingdom,  vol. 
ii.  pp.  290-297  (4th  edition,  New  York,  187 1). 

^  For  the  story  of  the  Prester  John  myth  consult  Colonel  Sir  Henry 
Yule's  article,  "  Prester  John,"  in  vol.  xix.  of  the  9th  edition  of  the  Ency- 
clopaedia Britannica,  pp.  714-718. 


Early    Intercourse  29 

ences  to  the  supposititious  monarch,'  more  particu- 
larly where  he  describes  his  descendants  as  a  band 
of  Christians  occupying  a  territory  called  Tenduk, 
north  of  Peking, —  a  fact  supported  by  the  evidence 
of  Friar  John  of  Montecorvino,  Archbishop  of 
Kambalu  (Peking)  in  the  early  part  of  the  fourteenth 
century. 

Before  passing  to  a  consideration  of  that  period 
of  European  intercourse  with  China  which  com- 
menced with  Marco  Polo's  travels  and  extended  to 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century, —  a  divi- 
sion which  is,  I  think,  justified  by  the  fact  that 
most  writers  date  the  modern  intercourse  with 
China  from  1600, —  it  may  be  well  to  note  some 
references  to  Western  countries  which  are  to  be 
found  in  the  Chinese  records,  as  we  have  thus  far 
approached  the  subject  from  the  standpoint  of 
Western  writers. 

Frequent  mention  is  made  in  ancient  Chinese 
histories  of  a  country  called  Tha-tsin  (variously 
written  Tatsin,  Tatsin^  Ta-tsin^  Ta-tsin  by  trans- 
lators) and  of  a  country,  province,  or  city,  named 
Fuh-lm  [Fu-lin).  If  we  could  be  certain  to  what 
places  these  terms  were  applied  by  the  Chinese,  we 
should  have  some  guide  by  which  to  check  the 
statements  of  the  Western  writers  whose  works  have 
been  quoted  above.  Unfortunately,  however,  schol- 
ars disagree  on  this  point.  The  whole  question 
has  been  very  carefully  examined  by  Hirth,^  and  his 

'  Marsden's  Travels  of  Marco  Polo  (London,  1818)  pp.  190,  195,  and  236. 

^  F.  Hirth,  China  and  the  Roman  Orient:  Researches  into  their  Ancient 
and  MedicEval  Relations  as  presented  in  Old  Chinese  Records  (Leipzig,  1885). 


30       China  and  the   Powers 

conclusions  as  well  as  those  of  other  writers  may 
be  briefly  stated. 

"  We  are  probably  safe  in  assuming  that  the 
country  of  Ta-tsiii^  under  its  old  name  Li-kan,  was 
not  known  to  the  Chinese  prior  to  B.C.  120."  '  "  Fu- 
lin  was  merely  another  name  for  Ta-ts'in,  introduced 
by  the  Nestorians."  ^  "  The  old  sound  of  the  name 
Fu-lin  may  be  safely  assumed  to  have  been  But-lim 
or  But-lam  (Bethlehem  ?).  .  .  .  To  see  the  name  of 
the  town  of '  Bethlehem  as  the  birthplace  of  the 
Messiah  extended  to  the  country  to  which  it 
belongs  is  by  no  means  singular,  if  we  consider 
that  this  was  done  by  religious  enthusiasts  who 
must  have  thought  it  a  great  privilege  to  come 
from  the  Holy  Land." ^  "Chinese  historians  men- 
tion a  number  of  embassies  which  were  sent  to  the 
emperors  of  China  by  all  the  Asiatic  nations,  and 
even  by  the  Eastern  Roman  Empire,  which  they 
called   Ta-thsin,  or  Greater  Chinay  '• 

"  Much  has  been  written  about  the  origin  of  that 
name  of   Tatsin,  which  became  that  by  which  the 

'  Hirth,  7tt  supra,  pp.  137,  138.  ^  Hirth,  nt  supra,  p.  286. 

^  Hirth,  ut  supra,  pp.  289,  290. 

*  G.  Pauthier,  Histoire  des  Relations  Politiques  de  la  Chine  avec  les 
Puissances  Occidentales,  p.  17. 

Some  writers,  notably  Lacouperie,  do  not  agree  with  Pauthier's  inter- 
pretation of  Ta-thsin  as  Great  China.  But  I  think  that  Pauthier's  view 
receives  strong  support  from  the  fact  that  until  very  recent  times  the 
Chinese  authorities  have  always  in  their  decrees  and  proclamations  referred 
to  all  territories  outside  China  as  dependencies  of  the  Chinese  Empire. 
Even  as  late  as  the  missions  of  Lord  Amherst  and  Lord  Macartney,  ban- 
ners were  carried  in  advance  of  the  embassies  on  their  way  to  Peking,  bear- 
ing the  legend  "  Tribute  Bearers." 


Early   Intercourse  31 

Roman  Empire  and  especially  the  Roman  Orient 
was  known  to  the  Chinese;  but  no  satisfactory 
explanation  has  been  given  as  yet." '  "  Thus  To- 
Thsiu  may  mean  either  the  Roman  Empire  of 
Byzantium  or  Judea  or  Persia,  or  it  may  be  a 
general  appellation  for  all  the  countries  of  the 
West.  Just  as  at  the  present  day  the  Chinese 
apply  the  word  Si-yang  to  the  country  of  all  the 
nations  of  Europe,  and  even  sometimes  also  to  that 
of  the  Americans."  ^ 

Without  pretending  to  any  original  research  in 
this  direction,  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  after  con- 
sulting such  authorities  as  are  available,  that  the 
Chinese  used  the  term  Tha-tsin  in  a  broad  sense,  to 
indicate  generally  the  far  western  countries,  as  in 
England  we  speak  of  Greater  Britain  without  refer- 
ence to  any  particular  part  of  the  empire,  or  as  in 
the  United  States  we  refer  to  "  the  West "  without 
special  application  to  any  single  State.  Perhaps  a 
better  analogy  may  be  drawn  between  the  Chinese 
use  of  Tha-tsijt  and  our  use  of  "  the  East "  or  "  the 
Far  East." 

As  the  first  reference  in  the  Chinese  histories  to 
Tha-tsin,  under  its  old  name  Li-kan,  is  to  be  found 
in  the  Shik-cki,  written  about  b.c.  91,  by  Ssu-ma 
Ch'ien,^  it  is  seen  that  China  had  no  earlier  record 
of  Europe  than  Europe  had  of  China.  Hirth,  in 
his  China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  has  translated  ex- 

*  Terrien  de  Lacouperie,  Western  Origin  of  the  Early  Chinese  Civilisa- 
tiofi,  pp.  242,  243. 

*L'Abbe  Hue,  ttt  supra,  vol.  i.  p.  58.  ^jjirth,  ut  supra,  p.  137. 


32       China  and   the   Powers 

tracts  from  seventeen  Chinese  histories,  ranging  in 
date  from  B.C.  91  to  a.d.  1724;  but  they  contain 
little  which  would  be  of  any  interest  to  the  general 
reader. 

In  picking  up  again  the  thread  of  our  narrative, 
it  must  be  noted  that,  although  Marco  Polo  and  his 
father  and  uncle  were  the  first  Europeans  to  bring 
back  from  China  any  lengthy  and  detailed  account 
of  that  country,  two  Franciscan  friars,  John  de 
Piano  Carpini  and  William  of  Rubruk,  had  visited 
Tartary,  the  former  being  present  at  the  election 
of  Kuyuk,  grandson  of  Jenghiz  Khan,  to  the  Khan- 
ate of  Tartary  in  1 246  a.d. 

The  circumstances  under  which  Marco  Polo  first 
went  to  China  are  briefly  told.' 

Marco  Polo's  father,  Nicolo  Polo,  and  his  uncle, 
Maffio  Polo,  were  merchants  of  Venice.  They 
embarked  together  on  a  trading  voyage  to  Constan- 
tinople about  the  year  1250.  After  disposing  of 
their  merchandise,  they  decided  to  make  a  journey 
to  Western  Tartary,  a  country  in  which  at  that 
time  there  was  a  great  demand  for  costly  jewels 
and  ornaments.  They  left  Constantinople  about 
the  year  1254,  and  after  a  long  journey  reached 
the  court  of  Barkah,  chief  of  the  Western  Tartars. 

'  For  an  account  of  Marco  Polo  and  his  travels  see  The  Travels  of 
Marco  Folo,  hy  William  Marsden  (London,  1818);  The  Travels  0/  Marco 
Polo,  greatly  amended  and  enlarged  fro7n  valuable  early  man^iscrifts,  re- 
cently published  hy  the  French  Society  of  Geography,  and  in  Italy  by  Count 
Baldelli  Boni,  by  Hugh  Murray  (New  York,  1S45)  >  ^"^^  ^'^^  Book  of  Ser 
Marco  Polo,  the  Venetian,  concerning  the  Kingdoms  and  Marvels  of  the  East, 
newly  translated  and  edited  with  Notes,  by  Colonel  Henry  Yule  (London, 
1871),  2  vols. 


Early   Intercourse  33 

After  remaining  a  year  with  Barkah.  they  set  out 
on  their  return  journey  to  Constantinople;  but, 
owing  to  the  outbreak  of  war  between  Barkah  and 
Hulagu,  a  chief  of  the  Eastern  Tartars,  the  ordi- 
nary route  was  closed.  Accordingly,  they  pro- 
ceeded by  a  circuitous  route,  which  led  them  to  the 
city  of  Bokhara.  Here  they  met  a  Tartar  noble- 
man, who  was  on  his  way  to  the  Court  of  Kubali 
Khan,  Emperor  of  China,  as  an  envoy  of  Hulagu. 
By  this  man  they  were  persuaded  to  give  up  their 
plans  of  returning  immediately  to  Europe  in  favour 
of  a  visit  to  Kubali  Khan,  whose  good-will  was  as- 
sured them.  The  journey  occupied  a  year ;  and  on 
their  arrival  at  the  Court  they  were  treated  with 
great  consideration  by  the  Chinese  monarch,  who, 
after  inquiring  closely  into  the  affairs  of  Europe, 
decided  to  send  them  back  to  Italy  as  ambassadors 
to  the  Pope.  They  arrived  at  Acre  in  April,  1269. 
The  first  news  which  greeted  them  was  the  death 
of  Pope  Clement  IV.;  and,  acting  on  the  advice 
of  the  Papal  Legate,  they  decided  to  await  the 
election  of  the  new  Pope  before  presenting  them- 
selves at  Rome. 

They  then  proceeded  to  Venice,  where  Nicolo 
learned  that  his  wife  had  died  in  childbirth  in 
1254,  shortly  after  his  original  departure  for  Con- 
stantinople, leaving  him  a  son,  Marco,  who  was 
now  about  sixteen  years  old.  This  son  became  the 
famous  traveller. 

The  election  of  the  new  Pope  was,  however, 
greatly  delayed ;  and,   after  waiting  two  years,  the 


34 


China  and  the   Powers 


Polos  decided  to  return  to  China,  leaving  their 
mission  unaccomplished.  They  started  by  way  of 
Acre,  where  they  secured  letters  from  the  Papal 
Delegate.  But,  before  their  ship  was  out  of  sight 
of  land,  news  was  received  that  the  Papal  Delegate 
at  Acre  had  himself  been  elected  Pope.  The  Vene- 
tians were  recalled,  and  furnished  with  Letters 
Papal.  About  the  end  of  1271  the  three  Polos, 
Nicolo,  Maffio,  and  Marco,  commenced  their  long 
overland  journey  to  China. 

On  their  arrival  at  the  Court  of  Kubali  Khan 
they  were  well  received ;  and  the  emperor,  taking  a 
liking  to  Marco,  gave  him  an  appointment  in  his 
household.  He  rose  subsequently  to  the  enjoy- 
ment of  high  ofHce,  being  at  one  time  governor 
of  the  city  of  Yang-chow.  Whilst  in  the  service 
of  Kubali  Khan,  Polo  travelled  extensively  in  East- 
ern Asia.  He  visited  the  northern  Provinces  of 
China,  Yunnan,  Burmah,  Cochin-China,  and  India, 
The  circumstances  under  which  he  finally  returned 
to  Europe,  and  the  curious  chances  which  led  to 
the  writing  of  his  Travels,  read  like  the  pages  of 
a  fairy  tale. 

After  spending  seventeen  years  in  China,  the 
Polos  —  for  Marco's  father  and  uncle  had  remained 
with  him  —  began  to  yearn  for  their  native  land; 
and  they  approached  Kubali  Khan  with  a  request 
that  they  might  be  permitted  to  return  home. 
Kubali,  however,  was  ready  to  grant  them  anything 
but  this  ;  and  it  began  to  appear  as  though  the  Vene- 
tians were  doomed  to  die  in  a  strange  land.     About 


Early   Intercourse 


35 


this  time  there  arrived  from  Persia  an  embassy  from 
Arghun,  the  prince  of  that  country,  and  a  grand- 
nephew  of  KubaH.  The  ambassadors  brought  the 
news  of  the  death  of  Arghun's  wife,  who  on  her 
death-bed  had  requested  that  her  successor  should 
be  a  princess  of  the  imperial  house  of  China.  The 
object  of  the  embassy  was  to  secure  such  a  princess. 
"  The  application  was  taken  in  good  part,"  says 
Marco  Polo;  "  and,  under  the  direction  of  his  maj- 
esty, choice  was  made  of  a  damsel  aged  seventeen, 
extremely  handsome  and  accomplished  {77toult  bele 
dame  et  avejiant),  whose  name  was  Kogatin,  and  of 
whom  the  ambassadors,  upon  her  being  shown  to 
them,  highly  approved." 

Having  secured  the  princess,  the  ambassadors 
set  out  on  their  return  journey;  but,  after  trav- 
elling overland  for  several  months,  they  found  their 
way  obstructed  by  the  disturbed  state  of  the  coun- 
try, and  were  compelled  to  return  to  the  capital. 
Here  they  met  Marco  Polo,  who  had  just  returned 
from  a  voyage  to  the  East  Indies ;  and,  after  con- 
sultation with  him,  it  was  decided  that  the  attempt 
should  be  made  to  reach  Persia  by  the  sea  route. 
Accordingly,  Kubali  Khan  fitted  out  a  fleet  of 
fourteen  great  ships,  well  found,  and  provisioned 
for  two  years.  When  the  time  of  departure  ar- 
rived, the  ambassadors  urged  that  the  Polos  should 
be  permitted  to  accompany  them,  pointing  out 
that  their  great  experience  of  the  sea  would  insure 
the  safety  of  the  princess.  Kubali  Khan  finally 
yielded   to  their  entreaties ;  and    the  princess,  ac- 


36       China  and  the   Powers 

companied  by  the  ambassadors  and  the  three  Polos, 
left  the  port  of  Chin  Chew,'  in  the  Province  of  Fuh 
Kien,  early  in  the  year  1292. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  expedition  at  Ormuz  in  the 
Persian  Gulf,  our  travellers  were  informed  of  the 
death  of  Kubali  Khan,  which  had  taken  place  in 
1294,  and  of  the  death  of  Arghun,  whose  bride  the 
princess  was  to  have  been.  They  found  the  coun- 
try in  a  disturbed  state ;  but  later  Ghazan,  the  son 
of  Arghun,  established  his  authority,  ascended  the 
throne,  and  married  the  fair  and  accomplished 
Kogatin. 

The  Polos  resumed  their  journey,  and  after  many 
adventures  reached  Venice  in  1295.  But  in  Venice 
stories  of  their  death  had  long  been  current ;  and, 
on  presenting  themselves  in  their  dwelling,  they 
found  it  occupied  by  distant  relatives,  who  refused 
to  recognise  them.  Finally,  they  succeeded  in 
establishing  their  identity.  For  three  years  the 
Polos  lived  quietly  in  their  native  city,  being 
relieved,  by  the  death  of  Kubali  Khan,  from  their 
promise  to  return  to  China.  In  1298,  however, 
war  broke  out  between  Venice  and  Genoa ;  and  at 
the  naval  engagement  of  Curzola,  fought  on  the 
6th  of  September,  1298,  Marco  Polo,  who  was 
gentleman-commander  {sopracomito)  of  one  of  the 
galleys  under  the  Venetian  Admiral  Andrea  Dan- 
dolo,  was  taken  prisoner,  and  carried  off  to  Genoa. 
Whilst  in  prison  in  that  city,  he  became  acquainted 

'  There  is  a  conflict  of  evidence  on  this  point.  Some  authorities  assert 
that  the  expedition  sailed  from  Hia-muen,  the  modern  Amoy. 


Early   Intercourse  i-] 

with  a  literary  man,  a  Genoese,  named  Rustichello 
(written  also  Rusticiano,  Rustighello,  Rustigielo), 
who,  from  frequent  conversations  with  Marco  Polo 
and  with  the  assistance  of  the  traveller's  notes, 
which  had  been  procured  from  Venice,  wrote  out 
The  Travels  of  Marco  Polo. 

The  Travels  contain  the  first  reliable  and 
detailed  account  of  China  published  in  Europe. 
We  are  not  concerned  here  with  the  substance  of 
Marco  Polo's  narrative,  which  consists  of  descrip- 
tions of  the  Court  of  Kubali  Khan,  of  the  various 
Chinese  Provinces,  of  the  different  foreign  countries 
he  visited  whilst  in  the  service  of  the  emperor,  and 
of  an  account  of  the  more  important  internal 
affairs  which  passed  under  his  notice. 

During  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries 
European  notices  of  China  are  confined  almost  en- 
tirely to  the  records  of  the  Roman  Catholic  mis- 
sionaries,' although  there  was  maintained  during 
that  period  considerable  trade  between  China  and 
the  great  Italian  merchants.  The  names  most  in- 
timately associated  with  the  spread  of  Christianity 
in  China  in  those  early  days  are  those  of  John  of 
Montecorvino,  who  arrived  in  China  in  1292  (just 
at  the  time  when  the  Polos  were  leaving  the  coun- 
try), and  of  Friar  Odoric,  who  spent  three  years  in 
China  early  in  the  fourteenth  century. 

'  For  an  account  of  the  early  Roman  Catholic  missions  in  China  see 
Lettres  edifiatites  et  ciirieicses  icrites  des  Missions  etrangeres  (edition  pub- 
lished by  J.  G.  Merrigot,  le  jeune,  Paris,  1 780-1783),  26  volumes,  of  which 
16-26  relate  to  China.  The  standard  work  in  English  is  Christianity  in 
China,  Tartary,  and  Thibet,  by  I'Abbe  Hue,  2  vols.  (New  York,  1857). 


38       China  and  the   Powers 

During  the  sixteenth  century  the  Roman  Catho- 
Hc  missions  in  China  were  very  active  under  the 
guidance  of  Alessandro  Valignani,  Michael  Roger, 
and  more  particularly  of  Matthieu  Ricci. 

In  the  year  15 17  there  arrived  in  China  the 
Portuguese  Rafael  Perestrello,  who  was  the  first 
man  to  navis^ate  to  China  a  vessel  under  a  Euro- 
pean  flag.  He  was  shortly  followed  by  Ferdinand 
Andrade,  who  succeeded  in  making  friends  with 
the  Chinese  authorities  at  Canton  and  in  laying  the 
foundations  of  what  might  have  become  an  impor- 
tant commercial  settlement.  Unfortunately,  how- 
ever, Ferdinand's  brother  Simon,  who  appears  to 
have  been  a  swashbuckler  of  a  most  advanced  type, 
came  out  in  the  following  year,  and  made  himself 
so  obnoxious  to  the  Chinese  authorities  that  he  was 
driven  out  of  the  country  in  152 1.  In  1557  the 
Portuguese  established  themselves  at  Macao,  near 
Canton,  which  still  remains  in  their  possession. 
Macao  was  at  one  time  a  thriving  port;  but  the  rise 
of  Hongkong  killed  the  Macao  trade,  and  left  the 
town  with  only  this  claim  to  notice, —  that  Camoens, 
the  Portuguese  poet,  probably  wrote  a  great  part 
of  the  Lusiads  there. 

I  do  not  intend  to  deal  any  further  with  Portu- 
guese intercourse  with  China,  as  it  ceased  to  have 
any  importance  fully  two  centuries  ago.' 

The  only  other  point  to  be  noted  during  the  six- 

'  For  the  history  of  the  Portuguese  in  China  consult  An  Historical 
Sketch  of  the  Porttiguese  Settlements  in  China,  by  Sir  Andrew  Ljungsted 
(Boston,  1836). 


Early   Intercourse 


39 


teenth  century  is  the  despatch  to  China  in  1567  of 
two  Russian  envoys  to  the  Emperor  Lung-king. 
The  envoys  failed  to  see  the  emperor,  as  they  had 
not  provided  themselves  with  presents. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century 
onward  it  is  more  convenient  to  deal  with  Chinese 
intercourse  with  Europe,  the  United  States,  and 
Japan  in  chapters  devoted  to  the  intercourse  of 
China  with  each  Power  separately,  leaving  to  the 
last  a  summary  of  the  conflicting  interests  and  am- 
bitions of  the  Powers  in  China  to-day. 


Chapter  III. 
THE    UNITED   STATES   AND   CHINA. 

The  definitive  treaty  of  peace,  under  the  terms 
of  which  Great  Britain  recognised  the  indepen- 
dence of  the  United  States  of  America,  was  signed 
on  Sept.  3,  1783;  and  five  months  later,  on  the 
2 2d  of  February,  1784,  the  first  American  ship  to 
make  the  China  voyage  left  New  York  Harbour. 
This  vessel  was  the  Empress  of  India,  owned  by 
a  company  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia  mer- 
chants, and  commanded  by  John  Green,  Esq. 

For  a  narrative  of  the  voyage,  as  well  as  of  two 
others  to  Canton,  and  for  much  interesting  matter 
in  regard  to  the  early  Chinese  trade,  we  are  in- 
debted to  the  journals  of  Major  Samuel  Shaw,' 
at  one  time  aide-de-camp  to  General  Knox,  who 
went  out  on  the  Empress  of  China  as  supercargo, 
and  was  subsequently,  in  1785,  appointed  the  first 
American  consul  in  China,  "  without  being  entitled 
to  receive  any  salary,  fees,  or  emoluments  whatso- 
ever." 

The  Empress  of  CJiina  arrived  at  Whampoa, 
fourteen  miles  below  Canton,  on  the  28th  of  Au- 
gust, 1 784 ;  and  the  American  flag  was  unfurled  for 
the  first  time  in  a  Chinese  port. 

The  trade  of  which  the  Empress  of  India  was 
the  pioneer  soon  grew  to  considerable  dimensions ; 
and  by  the  year  1819,  or,  as  it  was  then  measured, 

*  The  Jour7ials  of  Major  Samuel  Skaiv,  the  First  American  Consul  at 
Canton.      With  a  Life  of  the  Author  by  Josiah  Quincy.     Boston,  1S47. 


United   States  and   China    41 

the  season  of  i8 18-19,  the  value  of  imports  into 
China  in  American  vessels  was  ^9,876,208. 

The  conditions  under  which  foreign  trade  was 
permitted  at  Canton  in  the  early  days  were  pecul- 
iar. The  Emperor  of  China  appointed  ten  or 
twelve  merchants, —  known  locally  as  the  "Hong 
Merchants  "  or  the  "  Co  Hong," — who  alone  were 
permitted  to  trade  with  the  foreigners.  These 
men  were  the  medium  throus^h  which  the  o^overn- 
ment  collected  the  customs  duties ;  and  they  were, 
in  addition,  held  responsible  for  the  good  conduct 
of  the  foreign  traders.  An  arrangement  which 
appeared  very  favourable  to  the  foreign  trader 
was  a  kind  of  insurance  fund  called  the  "  Consoo 
fund,"  which  was  raised  by  imposing  a  small  im- 
port duty  on  all  imports  in  excess  of  the  ordi- 
nary tariff.  This  fund  was  devoted,  in  theory,  to 
paying  off  to  all  foreign  creditors,  without  dis- 
tinction, the  debts  of  any  Hong  merchant  who 
might  become  bankrupt ;  but,  in  practice,  the  fund 
was  called  on  to  furnish  lubrication  for  a  number 
of  officials,  birthday  presents  for  the  Emperor,  and 
so  forth. 

In  1842  the  war  between  England  and  China 
which  had  arisen  through  disputes  in  regard  to 
the  opium  trade  was  terminated  by  the  Treaty  of 
Nanking;  and  the  five  ports  of  Canton,  Amoy, 
Fuhchau,  Ningpo,  and  Shanghai  were  opened  to 
foreign  trade.  As  this  promised  considerable  com- 
merce for  the  United  States,  President  Tyler  deter- 
mined  to  send   out  an  embassy  to  China  for  the 


42       China  and  the   Powers 

purpose  of  negotiating  a  treaty  of  friendship, 
amity,  and  commerce.  The  first  reference  to 
China  in  the  United  States  Statutes  at  Large  is 
one  —  dated  March  3,  1843  —  appropriating  $40,- 
000  "  to  enable  the  President  to  establish  the  future 
commercial  relations  between  the  United  States 
and  the  Chinese  Empire  on  terms  of  national 
equal  reciprocity."  It  was  provided  in  this  statute 
(No.  3,  chap.  90,  United  States  Statutes  at  Large^ 
vol.  5,  p.  624)  that  no  one  should  be  appointed  to  the 
China  mission  except  by  the  advice  and  counsel  of 
the  Senate,  and  that  no  one  person  should  receive 
a  greater  salary  than  ^9,000,  exclusive  of  outfit. 
The  post  of  envoy  was  offered  to  Mr.  Edward 
Everett,  at  that  time  Minister  to  the  Court  of 
St.  James;  and,  on  his  declining  it,  Mr.  Caleb 
Cushing  was  appointed.  His  instructions '  were 
to  proceed  to  Peking,  and  deliver  the  following 
letter  to  the  Emperor  Taukwang :  — 

I,  John  Tyler,  President  of  the  United  States  of  America  [here  follows 
a  list  of  the  States],  send  you  this  letter  of  peace  and  friendship  signed  by 
my  own  hand. 

I  hope  your  health  is  good.  China  is  a  great  empire,  extending  over  a 
great  part  of  the  world.  The  Chinese  are  numerous.  You  have  millions 
and  millions  of  subjects.  The  twenty-six  United  States  are  as  large  as 
China,  though  our  people  are  not  so  numerous.  The  rising  sun  looks 
upon  the  great  mountains  and  great  rivers  of  China.  When  he  sets,  he 
looks  upon  rivers  and  mountains  equally  large  in  the  United  States.  Our 
territories  extend  from  one  great  ocean  to  the  other ;  and  on  the  West  we 
are  divided  from  your  dominions  only  by  the  sea.     Leaving  the  mouth  of 

'C.  W.  Cushing's  full  instructions,  together  with  a  letter  from  Daniel 
Webster  in  regard  to  his  mission,  are  to  be  found  ir.  Senate  Executive 
Documents^  Twenty-eighth  Congress,  Second  Session,  No.  138  in  vol.  8, 
1844-45. 


United   States  and   China    43 

one  of  our  great  rivers,  and  going  constantly  towards  the  setting  sun,  we 
sail  to  Japan  and  to  the  Yellow  Sea. 

Now  my  words  are  that  the  governments  of  two  such  great  countries 
should  be  at  peace.  It  is  proper  and  according  to  the  will  of  Heaven  that 
they  should  respect  each  other  and  act  wisely.  I  therefore  send  to  your 
court  Caleb  Gushing,  one  of  the  wise  and  learned  men  of  this  country. 
On  his  first  arrival  in  China  he  will  inquire  for  your  health.  lie  has  strict 
orders  to  go  to  your  great  city  of  Peking,  and  there  to  deliver  this  letter. 
He  will  have  with  him  secretaries  and  interpreters. 

The  Chinese  love  to  trade  with  our  people,  and  to  sell  them  tea  and 
silk,  for  which  our  people  pay  silver  and  sometimes  other  articles.  But,  if 
the  Chinese  and  the  Americans  will  trade,  there  shall  be  rules,  so  that  they 
shall  not  break  your  laws  or  our  laws.  Our  minister,  Caleb  Cushing,  is 
authorised  to  make  a  treaty  to  regulate  trade.  Let  it  be  just.  Let  there 
be  no  unfair  advantage  on  either  side.  Let  the  people  trade  not  only  at 
Canton,  but  also  at  Amoy,  Ningpo,  Shanghai,  Fuhchau,  and  all  such  other 
places  as  may  offer  profitable  exchanges  both  to  China  and  the  United 
States,  provided  they  do  not  break  your  laws  nor  our  laws.  We  shall  not 
take  the  part  of  evil-doers.  We  shall  not  uphold  them  that  break  your 
laws.  Therefore,  we  doubt  not  that  you  will  be  pleased  that  our  messen- 
ger of  peace,  \\-ith  this  letter  in  his  hand,  shall  come  to  Peking,  and  there 
deliver  it ;  and  that  your  great  officers  will  by  your  order  make  a  treaty 
with  him  to  regulate  affairs  of  trade,  so  that  nothing  may  happen  to  dis- 
turb the  peace  between  China  and  America.  Let  the  treaty  be  signed  by 
your  own  imperial  hand.  It  shall  be  signed  by  mine,  by  the  authority  of 
our  great  council,  the  Senate. 

And  so  may  your  health  be  good,  and  may  peace  reign. 

Written  at  Washington  this  twelfth  day  of  July,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty-three.     Your  good  friend. 


On  his  arrival  in  China,  Mr.  Cushing  learned 
that  there  was  no  hope  of  his  being  received  by  the 
emperor,  as  he  had  not  come  in  the  character  of  a 
tribute-bearer;  and  he  confined  himself,  therefore, 
to  negotiating  the  treaty  of  Wanghia,  the  first 
American  treaty  with  China,  which  was  signed  by 
Mr.  Caleb  Cushing  and  by  Kiying,  the  Chinese 
Imperial  Commissioner,  on  July  3,  1844. 

The  Treaty  of  Wanghia  consisted  of  a  preamble 


44       China  and  the   Powers 

and  thirty-four  articles,  to  which  was  appended  a 
tariff  of  duties.  Briefly,  the  arrangements  under 
the  treaty  were  these  :  — 

(i)  Americans  were  to  be  free  to  trade  at  the  five 
treaty  ports  opened  by  Great  Britain.  They  were 
to  be  given  all  privileges  which  might  be  from  time 
to  time  granted  to  the  subjects  of  other  nations. 

(2)  Citizens  of  the  United  States  were  to  be  free 
to  reside  on  shore  at  the  treaty  ports,  and  to  build 
places  of  business,  residences,  hospitals,  churches, 
and  to  lay  out  cemeteries ;  but  these  locations  were 
to  be  fixed  by  mutual  agreement  between  the 
Chinese  and  American  authorities,  and  no  for- 
eigner was  to  be  permitted  to  travel  beyond  the 
treaty  limits. 

(3)  Protection  for  the  persons  and  property  of 
American  citizens  was  to  be  furnished  by  the  local 
authorities. 

(4)  Americans  were  not  to  be  subject  to  Chinese 
jurisdiction  for  any  crime  committed  in  China,  but 
were  to  be  tried  and  punished  after  conviction  by 
the  consul  or  such  other  public  functionary  as  the 
United  States  might  appoint. 

(5)  Communications  between  the  superior  au- 
thorities of  the  United  States  and  China  were  to 
be  conducted  on  a  basis  of  equality  in  the  form  of 
mutual  communications  {ckau  hwui) ;  communica- 
tions between  inferior  officers  were  to  have  the 
same  form ;  inferior  ofHcers  of  one  nation  address- 
ing superior  officers  of  the  other  were  to  do  so  in 
the  form  of   memorials  {shin  chin)\   private    indi- 


United   States  and  China    45 

viduals,  in  addressing  superior  officers,  were  to 
employ  the  style  of  petition  {pin  ching).  In  no 
case  were  terms  or  styles  to  be  suffered  which 
might  be  offensive  to  either  party.' 

(6)  Notwithstanding  the  general  rule  to  the 
contrary,  any  citizen  of  the  United  States  who 
should  be  detected  in  conducting  a  contraband 
trade  or  a  trade  in  opium  should  be  subject  to 
punishment  by  the  Chinese  authorities. 

The  effect  of  the  treaty  of  Wanghia  was  to 
stimulate  the  export  trade  from  the  United  States 
to  China  in  a  remarkable  manner,  the  value  of  such 
exports  rising  from  $469,000  in  1840  to  $2,079,341 
in  1845. 

Up  to  1844,  ii^  which  year  Mr.  Caleb  Cushing 
went  out  to  China  as  the  first  envoy  of  the  United 
States  to  Peking,  the  relations  between  the  two 
countries  were  confined  to  the  interchange  of 
products.  The  principal  imports  into  the  United 
States  from  China  were  tea,  China-ware,  nankins, 
and  silks :  the  principal  exports  from  the  United 
States  to  China  were  American  cotton  goods,  lead, 
ginseng,  specie,  and  bills  of  credit  on  London.- 
The  growth  of  the  American  trade  with  China 
is  shown  in  the  following  table  which  gives  the 
value  of  imports  from  and  exports  to  China  at  five- 
year  intervals  from  1825  to  1900:  — 

'  In  Chinese  official  documents  it  was  customary  to  speak  of  foreigners 
as  "  barbarians,"  and  a  foreign  ambassador  was  described  as  "  the  bar- 
barian eye." 

*  Remarks  on  China  and  the  China  Trade,  by  R.  B.  Forbes.  Boston, 
1844. 


46       China  and  the   Powers 

Imports  into  E xporis  of  domestic 

the  United  States       produce  of  United 
fro>n  China.  States  to  China. 

1825 ^7.533."  5  ^160,059 

1830 3'85S>i4i  156,759 

1835 5.9S7.187  335.868 

1S40 6,640,829  469,186 

1845 7,285,914  2,079.341 

1850 6,593,462  1,485,961 

1855 11,048,726  1,533,057 

i860 13,566,581  7,170,784 

1865 5' 130,643  6,502,898 

1S70 14,628,487  6,421,163 

1875 13,480,440  1,465,934' 

18S0 21,769,618  1,101,315 

1885 16,292,169  6,395,178 

1890 16,260,471  2,943,790 

1895 20,545,829  3,602,741 

1900 26,896,117  15,258,748 

Treaty  relations  once  established  and  trade  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  China  increasing  by 
leaps  and  bounds,  a  great  many  practical  questions 
arose  regarding  the  intercourse  of  the  foreign  com- 
munity with  the  natives.  One  important  matter  to 
be  settled  was  the  status  of  the  United  States  con- 
suls. By  the  treaty  of  Wanghia  the  United  States 
had  secured  the  right  of  administering  justice  to  its 
own  citizens  in  China.  The  consulates  had  been 
placed  on  a  satisfactory  basis  by  the  act  of  March 
I,  1855  ;  ^  but  the  details  of  the  consular  jurisdiction 
were  difficult  to  arrange,  and  President  Pierce  in 
1856  and  President  Buchanan  in  1857  transmitted 
messages  to  Congress  on  the  subject.^ 

'  Up  to  and  including  1875  ^^^  exports  to  China  include  specie. 
^  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  10,  pp.  619-621. 
^Senate  Exec.  Docs.,  No.  32,  34th  Cong.,  ist  Sess.,  vol.  10;  House  Exec. 
Docs.,  No.  125,  34th  Cong.,  ist  Sess.,  vol.  10;  Senate  Exec.  Docs.,  No.  6, 


United   States  and   China    47 

In  1853,  when  the  Tae-ping  rebellion  was  at  its 
height,  Mr.  Robert  McLane  was  sent  out  to  China 
to  look  after  American  interests.  His  instruc- 
tions,' dated  Nov.  9,  1853,  were  to  the  effect  that, 
if  the  revolutionary  party  was  successful,  he  was  to 
recognise  the  government  de  facto,  whilst,  if  several 
independent  governments  were  set  up,  he  was  to 
present  himself  to  each  as  the  accredited  repre- 
sentative of  the  United  States.  The  imperial  au- 
thorities had  always  shown  themselves  averse  to 
direct  communication  with  foreign  envoys,  and  it 
soon  appeared  that  the  rebel  leaders  would  only 
communicate  with  the  United  States  commissioner 
on  their  own  terms.  On  May  24,  1854,  Com- 
mander Franklin  Buchanan,  of  the  United  States 
steamship  Susquehanna,  addressed  a  letter  to 
the  commander-in-chief  of  the  rebel  forces,  re- 
questing that  the  United  States  commissioner,  Mr. 
McLane,  be  given  an  opportunity  of  entering  into 
direct  correspondence  with  the  rebel  leader,  Tae- 
ping  Wan.  The  reply  to  this  letter  is  sufficiently 
curious  to  merit  insertion  here,  as  it  is  an  evidence 
that  the  rebels  as  well  as  the  imperialists  laboured 
under  singular  delusions  as  to  the  status  of  foreign 
ambassadors.  The  following  is  the  text  of  the 
reply  from  the  official  translation  :  — 

Lin  and  Lo,  honoured  with  the  meritorious  rank  of  earthly  magistracy, 
holding  the  offices  of  first  and  second  ministers  of   state  of   the   second 

34th  Cong.,  3d  Sess.,  vol.  5  ;  Exec.  Docs.,  No.  9,  35th   Cong.,  ist   Sess., 
vol.  I. 

''■Exec.  Docs.,  No.  39,  36th  Cong.,  ist  Sess.,  vol.  11. 


48       China  and  the   Powers 

class,  promoted  two  degrees,  send  this  mandatory  despatch  to  Buchanan, 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  for  his  full  information.  Whereas  the 
heavenly  Father  and  the  heavenly  Elder  Brother  have  greatly  displayed 
their  favour,  and  personally  commanded  our  sovereign,  the  Celestial  King, 
to  come  down  and  be  the  peaceful  and  true  sovereign  of  the  world,  and 
have  also  sent  the  (five)  kings  to  be  assistants  in  the  court  and  strong  sup- 
ports in  the  establishment  of  a  flourishing  government :  now,  therefore, 
when  this  city,  the  Celestial  capital,  has  been  established  and  built  up  by 
the  sovereign  authority  of  the  heavenly  Father  and  the  heavenly  Elder 
Brother,  it  is  the  very  time  that  all  nations  should  come  and  pay  courtly 
honours,  and  all  the  four  seas  advance  to  receive  instructions. 

From  you,  Buchanan,  there  has  been  received  a  public  document,  in 
which  a  desire  is  expressed  to  come  and  see  the  Eastern  King's  golden  face; 
but  w^e,  the  ministers  of  state,  on  reading  what  is  contained  therein,  find 
that  you  have  presumed  to  employ  terms  used  in  correspondence  between 
equals.     This  is  not  at  all  in  conformity  with  what  is  right. 

Because  our  Eastern  King  (may  he  live  nine  thousand  years  1)  has 
respectfully  received  the  Celestial  commands  to  come  into  the  world,  and 
to  be  the  assistant  of  the  Celestial  courts  in  drawing  together  the  living 
souls  of  all  nations  (therefore),  you,  who  reside  on  the  ocean's  borders  and 
are  alike  imbued  with  favours,  ought  to  come  kneeling  and  make  memorial, 
thus  conforming  to  the  principles  of  true  submission,  so  as  to  show  your 
sincerity  in  coming  to  pay  court. 

But  -we,  the  ministers  of  state,  having  examined  this  communication, 
have  not  submitted  it  to  the  golden  glance  of  the  Eastern  King,  lest  we 
should  excite  the  anger  of  the  golden  glance,  and  draw  on  ourselves  no 
light  criminality.  Kindly  keeping  in  mind,  however,  that  you  are  residents 
on  the  ocean's  borders,  and  have  not  known  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of 
the  Celestial  court,  indulgence  (for  the  past)  may  be  granted  ;  but  hence- 
forth, as  is  right,  you  must  conform  to  the  established  rules,  and  make 
respectful  memorial. 

With  regard  to  the  favour  of  the  heavenly  Father  and  heavenly  Elder 
Brother,  displayed  in  opening  and  awakening  your  minds  so  as  to  induce 
you  to  come  and  pay  court  to  the  true  sovereign  and  to  be  near  to  the 
Celestial  capital, —  all  this  you  have  obtained  as  a  manifestation  of  the 
grace  of  the  heavenly  Father  and  heavenly  Elder  Brother,  and  it  is  also 
your  happiness. 

The  truly  submissive,  however,  most  assuredly  will  prepare  rare, 
excellent,  and  precious  things,  and  come  and  offer  them  in  honour  of  the 
king,  in  this  manner  showing  that  you  understand  the  mind  of  Heaven. 
Now,  because  the  heavenly  Father,  the  supreme  Lord,  the  august  High 
Ruler,  is  the  only  one  true  God,  the  Father  of  the  souls  of  all  nations 
under  heaven ;   and  Jesus,  the  Saviour  of  the  world,  the  celestial  Elder 


United   States  and   China 


49 


Brother,  is  the  superior  Elder  Brother  of  all  nations  under  heaven ;  and 
our  sovereign,  the  Celestial  King,  is  the  peaceful  and  true  sovereign  of  all 
nations  under  heaven  :  accordingly,  therefore,  all  nations  under  heaven 
ought  to  reverence  Heaven  and  obey  the  sovereign,  knowing  on  whom  it 
is  they  depend.  We  are  indeed  much  afraid  that  you  do  not  yet  fully 
understand  the  things  of  Heaven,  imagining  that  there  are  distinctions,  as 
of  this  nation  and  that  nation,  not  knowing  the  oneness  of  the  true 
doctrine.     Therefore  we  send  this  especial  mandatory  despatch. 

If  you  indeed  respect  Heaven  and  recognise  the  sovereign,  then  our 
Celestial  court,  viewing  all  under  heaven  as  one  family  and  uniting  all 
nations  as  one  body,  will  most  assuredly  regard  your  faithful  purpose,  and 
permit  you  year  by  year  to  bring  tribute  and  annually  come  to  pay  court, 
so  that  you  may  become  the  ministers  and  people  of  the  Celestial  kingdom, 
forever  bathing  yourselves  in  the  gracious  streams  of  the  Celestial  dynasty, 
peacefully  residing  in  your  own  lands,  and,  living  quietly,  enjoy  great  glory. 
This  is  the  sincere  desire  of  us,  the  great  ministers.  Quickly  ought  you  to 
conform  to,  and  not  to  oppose  this  mandatory  despatch. 

24th  day  of  the  4th  month  of  the  4th  year  of  the  great  peaceful  Celes- 
tial dynasty.     (Tuesday,  May  30,  1854.)  ' 


In  1856  occurred  the  first  clash  of  arms  between 
the  United  States  and  China.  On  the  15th  of 
November,  1856,  a  boat  from  the  United  States 
steamship  Portsmouth  was  proceeding  up  to  Can- 
ton from  the  anchorage,  when  fire  was  opened  upon 
it  from  the  barrier  forts.  At  first  the  occupants  of 
the  boats  beHeved  that  the  Chinese  were  firing  by- 
mistake,  and  the  American  flag  was  exhibited  in 
full  view  of  the  gunners.  The  fire,  however,  con- 
tinued; and  the  boat  was  compelled  to  retire. 
James  Armstrong,  the  commander-in-chief  of  the 
United  States  naval  forces  in  the  East  Indian  and 
China  Seas,  landed  a  body  of  men  the  next  day, 
and  captured  the  forts,  from  which  the  Chinese  fled 
in  confusion.     He  then  wrote  to  Yeh,  the  imperial 

^Setiate  Exec.  Docs.,  No.  22,  35th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  vol.  8,  pp.  62,  63. 


50       China  and  the   Powers 

commissioner,  demanding  an  explanation.  His 
letter  commenced,  "  I  regret  to  have  to  notify  your 
Excellency  that  it  became  my  duty  on  the  i6th 
inst.  to  assault  and  silence  the  works  known  as  the 
'  Barrier  Forts,'  on  the  river  between  Whampoa 
and  Canton." '  So  much  did  this  prompt  act  of 
reprisal  impress  Yeh  that  in  the  final  settlement 
of  affairs  nothing  was  said  by  the  Chinese  authori- 
ties in  regard  to  the  American  assault  and  subse- 
quent occupation  of  the  forts. 

Mr.  McLane's  efforts  to  conduct  negotiations 
came  to  nothing,  and  in  1857  Mr.  William  B.  Reed 
was  appointed  minister  to  China.  On  his  arrival 
in  the  country  he  opened  communication  with  Yeh, 
the  imperial  commissioner  of  Canton.  At  this 
time  the  country  was  in  a  very  disturbed  state; 
for,  in  addition  to  the  activity  of  the  Tae-ping 
rebels,  the  imperial  authorities  were  engaged  in 
hostilities  with  France  and  England.  Mr.  Reed 
finally  succeeded  in  concluding  a  treaty  on  June 
18,  1858,  and  two  conventions  on  Nov.  3,  1858; 
but  his  correspondence  in  regard  to  these  up  to 
the  time  he  resigned  his  post  and  returned  to  the 
United  States,  in  December,  1858,  fills  a  volume 
of  more  than  six  hundred  pages.'' 

Two  extracts  from  the  communications  received 
by  Mr.  Reed  from  Yeh,  the  imperial  commis- 
sioner, may  serve  to  show  the  difficulties  in  the 
way  of   getting  anything  done.     One    can    hardly 

^Senate  Exec.  Docs.,  35th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  vol.  9,  p.  1029. 
^ Ibid.y  No.  30,  36th  Cong.,  ist  Sess.,  vol.  10,  624  pp. 


United   States  and  China    51 

read  these  extracts  without  feeling  a  hope  that  Yeh 
himself  appreciated  their  humour.  Mr.  Reed,  shortly- 
after  his  arrival,  wrote  to  Yeh,  saying  that  he  had 
come  out  with  the  object  of  revising  the  Treaty  of 
Wanghia,  1844,  in  which  the  progress  of  events 
had  necessitated  certain  alterations.  He  referred, 
with  evident  satisfaction,  to  the  fact  that  the  treaty 
had  never  been  broken  by  the  United  States  in 
any  particular.  To  this  Yeh  replied,  "  If  the  treaty 
then  settled  [in  1844]  has  proved  so  very  satisfac- 
tory and  beneficial  that  your  Excellency  can  say 
that  it  has  never  been  broken,  then  there  is  no 
necessity  of  making  even  these  slight  modifications 
in  it;  and,  intelligent  and  candid  as  you  are,  you 
must  clearly  see  that  the  old  regulations  now  in 
force  require  no  alteration." '  In  reply  to  this  Mr. 
Reed  wrote :  "  I  thank  you  for  the  friendly  senti- 
ments you  express.  They  make  me  the  more  re- 
gret that  you  are  unable  to  meet  me,  for  I  am  sure 
a  personal  interview  in  which  we  could  interchange 
opinions  would  convert  the  professed  friendliness 
into  some  practical  advantage  to  your  countrymen 
and  mine."  To  this  the  unspeakable  Yeh  an- 
swered :  "  In  your  communication  you  remark,  '  I 
the  more  regret  that  you  are  unable  to  meet  me,' 
etc.  From  this  it  is  plainly  to  be  perceived  that 
your  Excellency  well  understands  the  position  of 
things,  and  the  heartfelt  regrets  which  you  express 
have  greatly  tranquillised  my  feelings.  In  my  pre- 
vious reply  there  was  not  a  word,  not  a  sentence, 

*  Senate  Exec.  Docs.,  No.  30,  36th  Cong.,  ist  Sess.,  vol.  10,  p.  51. 


52       China  and  the   Powers 

which  did  not  express  my  real  wishes  and  thoughts ; 
and  I  have  not  changed  since  in  any  respect,  nor 
was  this  professed  friendliness  on  my  part  mere 
talk.  Why,  then,  do  you  put  so  much  stress  on 
a  transient  interview,  in  order  to  render  more  cer- 
tain the  friendly  feelings  therein  expressed?  For 
instance,  two  persons  who  have  some  knowledge  of 
each  other  may  really  entertain  a  hearty  reciprocal 
liking,  and  look  upon  a  letter  from  each  other  as 
good  as  a  personal  interview ;  while,  if  their  friend- 
liness is  all  pretence  and  they  have  no  real  hearty 
regard,  though  they  should  see  each  other  continu- 
ally, what  avails  it  if  their  feelings  are  estranged  as 
they  look  one  another  in  the  face  ?  "  ' 

However,  after  almost  endless  discussions, — 
which  would  no  doubt  have  proved  fruitless,  had 
not  the  French  and  English  forces  compelled  the 
imperial  authorities  to  realise  their  position, —  a 
new  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  China 
was  signed  at  Tientsin  on  June  i8,  1858.^  The 
treaty  consisted  of  a  preamble  and  thirty  articles. 
As  far  as  the  interests  of  the  United  States  were 
concerned,  the  treaty  was  a  considerable  advance 
on  the  treaty  of  1844.  The  main  points  of  differ- 
ence to  be  noted  are  that  the  United  States  minis- 
ter secured  the  right  to  communicate,  on  terms  of 
equality,  with  the  Chinese  Privy  Council  and  with 
certain  high  officials,  and  the  right  to  visit  Peking ; 
whilst  American   missionaries  were  recognised    in 

^Senate  Exec.  Docs.,  No.  30,  36th  Cong.,  ist  Sess.,  vol.  10,  p.  57. 
*  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  12,  pp.  1023-1030. 


United   States  and   China    53 

Article  29,  in  the  following  terms  :  "  The  principles 
of  the  Christian  religion,  as  professed  by  the  Prot- 
estant and  Roman  Catholic  churches,  are  recog- 
nised as  teaching  men  to  be  good,  and  to  do  to 
others  as  they  would  have  others  do  to  them. 
Hereafter  those  who  quietly  profess  and  teach 
these  doctrines  shall  not  be  harassed  or  perse- 
cuted on  account  of  their  faith.  Any  person, 
whether  citizen  of  the  United  States  or  Chinese 
convert,  who,  according  to  their  tenets,  peaceably 
teach  and  preach  the  principles  of  Christianity, 
shall  in  no  case  be  interfered  with  or  molested." 

In  addition  to  the  treaty  of  1858,  two  conven- 
tions were  signed  between  the  United  States  and 
China  in  that  year.  The  first  related  entirely  to 
the  regulation  of  trade,  and  was  concluded  at 
Shanghai  on  Nov.  8,  1858.  The  necessity  for 
this  convention  arose  from  the  fact  that,  by  the 
treaty  of  1858  (concluded  June  18),  it  had  been 
stipulated  that  the  tariff  of  duties  to  be  paid  by 
American  citizens  should  be  the  same  as  arranged 
by  the  treaty  of  Wanghia  (1844),  except  so  far  as 
it  might  be  modified  by  subsequent  treaties  with 
other  Powers,  and  that  in  no  case  should  the  duties 
on  American  goods  be  higher  than  those  levied  on 
the  goods  of  other  nations.  The  recently  con- 
cluded treaties  with  England  and  France,  which 
terminated  the  war  of  1856,  had  effected  changes 
to  which  the  assent  of  the  United  States  govern- 
ment was  desired ;  and  concurrently  a  new  tariff 
of  duties  was  made,  which  superseded  the  tariff  an- 


54       China  and  the  Powers 

nexed  to  the  treaty  of  Wanghia,  and  perpetuated 
by  the  treaty  of  Tientsin.' 

The  other  convention  with  the  United  States 
was  signed  on  the  same  day,  Nov.  8,  1858,  and 
o^ave  effect  to  arrangements  which  had  been  en- 
tered  into  by  Mr.  Reed  with  the  Chinese  commis- 
sioners who  signed  the  treaty  of  Tientsin  in  June, 
1858,  relating  to  the  claims  of  American  citizens 
against  the  Chinese  government. 

These  claims,  for  the  most  part,  arose  through 
the  action  of  Yeh,  imperial  commissioner  and 
governor-general  of  Canton,  who  on  the  night  of 
Dec.  14,  1856,  wantonly  destroyed  all  the  foreign 
factories  at  Canton  by  fire.  The  claims  were  ex- 
amined by  Charles  W.  Bradley  and  Oliver  E. 
Roberts,  who  were  appointed  commissioners  for 
the  purpose  by  President  Buchanan.  They  re- 
duced the  claims  from  ^1,185,821  to  $414,187,  the 
amount  finally  paid  to  claimants  being  $492,734.'' 

The  next  step  in  the  intercourse  between  the 
two  countries  carries  us  to  the  United  States, 
where  the  centre  of  interest  in  regard  to  Chinese 
affairs  remained  for  a  number  of  years.  In  1868 
Mr.  Anson  Burlingame,  who  was  minister  of  the 
United  States  to  China,  resigned  his  post  and  ac- 
cepted a  position  under  the  Chinese  government 
as  envoy  to  the  Powers,^  vested  with  authority  to 

'  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  12,  pp.  1069-10S0. 

^Message  of  President  Andrew  Johnson,  Feb.  18,  1868,  transmitting 
information  in  regard  to  the  execution  of  the  convention  of  1858  with 
China  for  the  settlement  of  claims.  House  Exec.  Docs.,  No.  29,  40th 
Cong.,  3d  Sess.,  vol.  8,  212  pp. 

^Senate  Exec.  Docs.,  No.  20,  40th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  vol.  I. 


United   States  and   China 


55 


visit  the  United  States  and  Europe,  and  to  nego- 
tiate treaties.  He  arrived  in  Washington  in  the 
summer  of  1868,  and  on  June  18  of  that  year  con- 
cluded with  the  United  States  a  treaty  containing 
supplementary  articles  to  the  treaty  of  1858.  This 
supplementary  treaty  is  generally  referred  to  as  the 
"  Burlingame  treaty." 

The  treaty  was  important  in  many  respects.  Of 
the  eight  articles  in  the  treaty,  three  only  need  be 
here  noticed.  By  Article  3  the  Emperor  of  China 
secured  the  right  to  appoint  consuls  at  ports  of  the 
United  States,  who  should  enjoy  the  same  privi- 
leges as  those  enjoyed  by  the  consuls  of  Great  Brit- 
ain and  Russia,  in  the  United  States.  Articles  5 
and  6  I  quote,  for  it  was  in  these  articles  that  the 
United  States  formally  recognised  the  right  of  the 
Chinese  to  enter  the  United  States  and  reside 
there. 

Article  5.  "  The  United  States  of  America  and 
the  Emperor  of  China  cordially  recognise  the  inhe- 
rent and  inalienable  right  of  man  to  change  his 
home  and  allegiance,  and  also  the  mutual  advantage 
of  the  free  migration  and  emigration  of  their  citi- 
zens and  subjects,  respectively,  from  the  one  coun- 
try to  the  other  for  purposes  of  curiosity,  of  trade, 
or  as  permanent  residents."  .  .  . 

Article  6.  "  Citizens  of  the  United  States  visit- 
ing or  residing  in  China  shall  enjoy  the  same  privi- 
leges, immunities,  or  exemptions  in  respect  to  travel 
or  residence  as  may  there  be  enjoyed  by  the  citi- 
zens of   the  most  favoured  nation.     And,  recipro- 


56       China  and  the   Powers 

cally,  Chinese  subjects  visiting  or  residing  in  the 
United  States  shall  enjoy  the  same  privileges,  im- 
munities, and  exemptions  in  respect  to  travel  or 
residence  as  may  there  be  enjoyed  by  the  citizens 
or  subjects  of  the  most  favoured  nation." ' 

From  this  point  we  may  date  the  problem  of 
Chinese  emigration  to  the  United  States.  Before 
proceeding  to  a  discussion  of  this  question,  it  may 
be  as  well  if  we  have  before  us  a  few  figures  relating 
to  the  subject. 

NUMBER   OF   CHINESE    IN   THE  UNITED    STATES. 

year.  Number  in  Total  Number  in 

California.  United  States. 

1848 3  3 

1849 54  54 

1850 7S9  789 

1851 4.025  4,025 

1852 18,040  18,040^ 

1853 34,933  34.893' 

i860 49,277  63,199 

1870 75.132  105,465 

1880 72,472  107,475 

The  acceptance  by  the  Senate  of  the  Burlingame 
treaty,  with  its  provisions  encouraging  Chinese 
immigration,  is  sufficient  proof  that  in  1868  no 
general  feeling  against  the  Chinese  existed  in  the 
country.  Indeed,  the  very  opposite  was  the  case ; 
for  in  1862  there  was  presented  to  the  California 
legislature    a   report  from   a   select  committee   on 

'  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  i6,  pp.  739-741. 

^Up  to  and  including  1852,  the  figures  are  taken  from  H.  H.  Bancroft's 
History  0/ the  Pacific  States  of  N'orth  America,  vol.  xix.,  p.  336. 

3 From  i860  on,  the  figures  are  taken  from  the  United  States  Census 
Returns. 


United   States  and   China    57 

the  Chinese  population  of  the  State  of  CaUfornia,' 
in  which  the  following  references  to  the  Chinese 
occur:  "a  class  of  foreigners  so  peaceful,  indus- 
trious, and  useful,"  "  a  portion  of  Chinese  with 
white  labor  would  add  incalculably  to  the  resources 
of  the  State  in  this  particular  branch  [grape  cult- 
ure]. It  would  also  diminish  drunkenness  and  con- 
sequent pauperism,  thereby  greatly  diminishing 
crime  and  misery."  "  It  is  charged  that  the  Chi- 
nese demoralise  the  whites.  We  cannot  find  any 
ground  for  the  allegation.  .  .  .  They  work  for  us : 
they  help  us  build  up  our  State  by  contributing 
largely  to  our  taxes,  to  our  shipping,  farming,  and 
mechanical  interests,  without,  to  any  extent,  enter- 
ing these  departments  as  competitors."  "  Instead 
of  driving  them  out  of  the  State,  bounties  might 
be  offered  them  to  cultivate  tea,  rice,  etc." 

From  about  1870  there  grew  up  an  intense  hos- 
tility to  Chinamen  on  the  Pacific  Slope.  This 
hostility  found  its  expression  in  many  forms.  The 
Chinaman  in  California  was  heavily  taxed.  In  the 
debates  of  the  legislature  he  figured  as  an  embod- 
iment of  all  the  crimes  and  vices.  Those  who  sin- 
cerely believed  him  to  be  a  menace  to  the  State 
were  scarcely  outdone  in  their  eloquence  by  those 
who  found  abuse  of  the  Chinaman,  in  season  and 
out  of  season,  good  electioneering  in  a  State  where 
the  white  labourer  was  a  voter  and  the  Chinese 
labourer  was  not. 

'  Report  23,  in  Appendix  to  Journals  of  the  Senate  and  Assembly  of 
the  Legislature  of  the  State  of  California,  1862. 


58       China  and  the   Powers 

Without  doubt  there  were  many  people  who  held 
the  honest  conviction  that  the  existence  of  the 
State,  if  not  of  the  whole  country,  was  imperilled 
by  the  presence  of  the  Chinese  and  by  the  prospect 
that,  in  the  absence  of  restrictions,  an  enormous 
flow  of  Mongolians  would  set  in.  The  objections 
urged  against  the  Chinese  were,  in  the  main,  that 
they  were  willing  to  work  for  wages  the  acceptance 
of  which  by  a  white  man  would  involve  a  serious 
lowering  of  the  standard  of  living ;  that  the  savings 
of  the  Chinamen,  instead  of  remaining  in  the 
country  as  part  of  its  general  wealth,  were  exported 
to  China;  that  the  Chinese  were  immoral  in  their 
habits ;  that  they  had  no  respect  for  an  oath ;  that 
they  were  not  assimilable,  and  formed  an  indiges- 
tible mass  in  the  body  politic ;  that  they  were 
largely  drawn  from  the  criminal  classes ;  that  they 
did  not  contribute  to  the  support  of  the  State;  that 
the  greater  number  of  them  were,  in  reality,  slaves 
owned  by  the  Chinese  companies  in  San  Francisco ; 
and  that  there  was  no  hope  that  they  would  ever 
become  Americanised. 

It  is  impossible  to  go  over  the  very  large  official 
and  unofificial  literature  of  the  subject  without 
reaching  the  conclusion  that  the  anti-Chinese  state- 
ments are  marked  by  a  very  strong  tendency  towards 
exaggeration.  As  an  example  of  the  unreasonable- 
ness of  the  alarmists,  it  may  be  recalled  that  a  writer 
in  the  Forum  in  1888  laid  it  as  an  offence  at  the 
door  of  the  Chinese  that  their  industry  had  enhanced 
the  value  of  land  in  California.     The  form  of  argu- 


United   States  and   China    59 

ment  was  that  the  value  of  land  had  increased  so 
much  through  the  employment  of  Chinese  labour 
that  land  owners  were  no  longer  willing  to  sell  out 
to  small  farmers :  hence,  if  the  Chinaman  had  not 
worked  on  the  land,  the  owners  thereof  would  have 
been  glad  to  sell,  white  men  would  then  have 
bought  the  land  in  small  lots,  and  the  State  would 
have  been  saved.' 

On  behalf  of  the  Chinaman  it  was  ursred  that  the 
fault  of  the  low  wage  lay  not  in  the  Chinaman  who 
accepted,  but  in  the  employer  who  offered  it.  No 
Chinaman  had  been  known  to  refuse  a  high  wage 
if  he  could  get  it.  One  ingenious  Chinaman  pointed 
out  that,  if  the  estimate  made  by  the  California 
legislature  —  that  in  a  given  year  the  Chinese  in 
California  had  sent  out  of  the  country  $180,000,000 
—  were  correct,  it  showed  that  each  Chinaman  had 
earned  at  least  $1,250,  and  inquired  what  became 
of  the  cheap  labour  argument.^  But  the  strongest 
argument  for  the  Chinaman,  on  other  than  legal 
grounds,  was  made  by  Dr.  S.  Wells  Williams,  the 
noted  Chinese  scholar,  who  had  lived  for  many 
years  in  China.  In  an  Address  on  Chinese  Im- 
migration, delivered  before  the  American  Social 
Science    Association,^    he    said    in    part:    "Out  of 

*  "  Why  the  Chinese  must  be  Excluded."  Willard  B.  Farwell.  Forum, 
October.  1888.     pp.  196-203. 

^"The  Chinese  must  Stay."  Yan  Phou  Lee.  North  American  Review, 
April,  1889.  pp.  476-483.  This  estimate  was  based  on  the  extreme  esti- 
mate of  the  number  of  Chinese  in  California,  and  allowed  $250  per  annum 
as  the  living  expense  of  a  Chinaman. 

^Journal  of  Social  Science,  December,  1879,  P-  ^S* 


6o 


China  and  the   Powers 


95,000  Chinese  in  California,'  198  were  in  State 
prison  in  1877,  while  347  whites  were  there.  In 
twelve  years  711  natives  of  Ireland  were  committed, 
and  750  natives  of  China;  but  the  adult  Irish  popu- 
lation was  only  35,000,  or  about  one-third  of  the 
other.  In  the  Industrial  School  were  4  Chinese 
among  225  others  in  the  year  1875.  In  the  alms- 
house, out  of  498  inmates  that  year,  not  one  Chinese, 
but  197  Irish.  In  the  hospital  report  for  1875,  out 
of  3,918  inmates,  only  11  were  Chinese  and  308 
Irish.  In  1878,  out  of  3,007  admissions,  948  were 
Irish  and  6  were  Chinese.  The  arrests  for  drunk- 
enness in  San  Francisco  alone  for  the  year  ending 
June  30,  1878,  were  6,127,  not  one  of  whom  was  a 
Chinese." 

The  Chinese  were  not  without  friends  in  the 
United  States,  amongst  the  most  notable  being 
General  Grant,  the  Hon.  George  Frisbie  Hoar 
and  George  F.  Seward.  During  the  course  of  his 
tour  round  the  world.  General  Grant  happened  to 
touch  at  Georgetown,  Pulo  Penang,  in  the  Malay 
Peninsula,  in  April,  1879.  He  was  there  presented 
with  an  address  by  the  Chinese  community,  urging 
him  to  use  his  good  offices  in  securing  fair  treat- 
ment of  the  Chinese  in  the  United  States.  During 
his  remarks  in  acknowledging  the  address.  General 
Grant  said  that  the  hostility  of  which  they  com- 
plained did  not  represent  the  real  sentiment  of 
America,  but  was  the  work  of  demagogues  who,  in 

'  It  vnW  be  noticed  that  Dr.  Williams  accepted  the  exaggerated  estimate 
of  the  number  of  the  Chinese  population  of  California  current  at  that  time. 


United   States  and   China    6i 

that,  as  in  other  countries,  pander  to  prejudice 
against  race  or  nationaHty,  and  favour  any  measure 
of  oppression  that  might  advance  their  poHtical 
interests.  He  never  doubted,  and  no  one  could 
doubt,  that  in  the  end,  no  matter  what  effect  the 
agitation  for  the  time  being  might  have,  the  Ameri- 
can people  would  treat  the  Chinese  with  kindness 
and  justice,  and  not  deny  to  the  free  and  deserving 
people  of  their  country  the  asylum  they  offer  to  the 
rest  of  the  world.' 

Senator  Hoar,  speaking  in  the  Senate  on  March 
I,  1882,  on  the  Exclusion  Act  of  1882,  concluded  a 
brilliant  speech  by  saying,  "  As  surely  as  the  path 
in  which  our  fathers  entered  a  hundred  years  ago 
led  to  safety,  to  strength,  to  glory,  so  surely  will  the 
path  on  which  we  now  propose  to  enter  bring  us  to 
shame,  to  weakness,  and  to  peril."  ^ 

But  popular  detestation  of  the  Chinese  was  so 
strong  that  at  length  anti-Chinese  riots  began  to 
occur  in  various  parts  of  the  country.  These  cul- 
minated in  the  Chinese  massacre  at  Rock  Springs, 
Wyo.,  on  the  2d  of  September,  1885.  An  indem- 
nity of  $147,748  was  paid  by  the  government  in 
respect  of  this  outrage ;  ^  but  the  Pacific  Coast  was 
aroused,  and  Chinese  riots  on  a  greater  or  less 
scale  became  frequent.  On  Nov.  7,  1885,  and 
again  on  Feb.  9,  1886,  President  Cleveland  issued 
proclamations  ordering   the   dispersal    of   rioters;'* 

^  Journal  of  Social  Science,  December,  1879,  p.  91. 
^  Congressional  Record,  vol  13,  part  2,  pp.  1 51 5-1 522. 
^  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  24,  p.  418. 
*Ibid.,y^.  1027,  1028. 


62       China  and  the   Powers 

but,  although  these  energetic  measures  had  a  bene- 
ficial effect,  they  did  not  make  the  Chinamen  more 
popular.  The  Chinese  question  in  the  United 
States  now  took  on  a  new  form.  A  practical  ques- 
tion in  regard  to  the  welfare  of  the  country  arose, 
which  required  a  practical  solution.  If  all  the 
arguments  of  the  friends  of  the  Chinese  were  ad- 
mitted, the  fact  remained  that,  even  if  the  fault  were 
not  theirs,  their  presence  in  the  country  was  the 
occasion  of  constant  disturbance  of  the  peace. 

A  brief  examination  of  the  legislation  in  regard 
to  the  Chinese  will  serve  to  show  how  the  difficulty 
was  met. 

Legislation  in  regard  to  Chinese  immigration 
followed  very  closely  the  course  of  public  senti- 
ment. In  1868  the  Burlingame  treaty  was  passed, 
granting  free  entrance  to  any  Chinamen  who  might 
wish  to  visit  the  country  and  also  the  right  of  per- 
manent residence.  In  1880  a  treaty  was  con- 
cluded between  the  United  States  and  China,' 
under  the  terms  of  which  the  United  States  was 
secured  the  power  of  regulating,  limiting,  or  sus- 
pending the  immigration  of  Chinese  labourers  if,  at 
any  time,  the  government  should  be  convinced  that 
the  presence  of  such  labourers  threatened  to  affect 
the  interests  of  the  country  or  to  endanger  the  good 
order  of  any  locality ;  but  it  was  expressly  stipulated 
that  any  suspension  of  Chinese  immigration  should 
be  temporary,  and  not  final.  On  May  6,  1882,  Con- 
gress, taking  advantage   of  the   rights  secured  by 

*  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  22,  pp.  826,  827. 


United   States  and   China    63 

the  treaty  of  1880,  passed  "An  Act  to  execute 
Certain  Treaty  Stipulations  relating  to  Chinese."' 
This  Act  provided  that,  after  the  expiration  of 
ninety  days  from  the  passing  of  the  Act  and  for  a 
period  of  ten  years  following,  the  coming  of  Chi- 
nese labourers  into  the  United  States  should  be  sus- 
pended. The  law  was  not  to  apply  to  Chinese 
labourers  who  were  in  the  United  States  on  Nov. 
17,  1880,  or  to  any  who  might  come  in  before  the 
expiration  of  ninety  days  following  the  passage  of 
the  Act.  Certificates  were  to  be  issued  to  all  Chi- 
namen entitled  to  exemption,  which  on  presenta- 
tion would  procure  their  readmission  to  the  coun- 
try if  at  any  time  they  should  leave  it. 

On  July  5,  1884,  the  Act  of  1882  was  re-enacted, 
with  certain  amendments,  chiefly  in  regard  to  ques- 
tions of  identification  and  penalties.'  On  Sept.  13, 
1888,  an  Act  was  passed  absolutely  prohibiting  the 
return  of  any  Chinese  labourer  to  the  United  States 
unless  he  had  in  the  country  a  lawful  wife,  child,  or 
parent,  or  property  to  the  value  of  $1,000  or  debts 
due  him  to  a  like  amount.^  This  Act  never  came 
into  force,  as,  by  the  preamble,  it  was  declared  to 
take  effect  from  the  date  of  the  ratification  of  the 
treaty  of  March  12,  1888,  with  China,  which  treaty 
was  never  ratified  on  account  of  the  Senate  mak- 
ing certain  amendments  in  it  which  the  Chinese 
government  would  not  accept. 

On   Oct.    I,    1888,  an    Act   was   passed,  supple- 

'  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  22,  pp.  s5-6i. 

^  Ibid.,  vol.  23,  pp.  1 1 5-1 18.  ^  Ibid.,  vol.  25,  pp.  476-479. 


64       China  and  the   Powers 

mentary  to  the  Act  of  1882,  declaring  that  no  cer- 
tificate permitting  return  to  the  United  States 
should  be  issued  in  the  future,  and  that  all  certifi- 
cates issued  in  the  past  were  void,  and  that  no 
Chinaman  who  had  already  left  the  country  or 
should  thereafter  leave  it  should  be  allowed  to 
return.' 

On  May  5,  1892,  Congress  passed  the  famous 
Geary  Act, —  "An  Act  to  prohibit  the  Coming  of 
Chinese  Persons  into  the  United  States."  The 
provisions  of  this  law  were  very  strict.  Previous 
exclusion  laws  were  extended  ten  years  from  the 
passage  of  the  Act.  It  was  provided  that  any  Chi- 
nese or  person  of  Chinese  descent  was  to  be  con- 
sidered as  being  unlawfully  in  the  United  States 
unless  he  could,  on  demand,  produce  affirmative 
proof  of  his  lawful  right  to  remain  in  the  country; 
and  any  such  person,  convicted  of  being  unlawfully 
in  the  United  States,  was  to  be  imprisoned  at  hard 
labour  for  a  period  not  exceeding  one  year,  and  then 
to  be  removed  from  the  country.  All  Chinese 
labourers  in  the  country  at  the  time  of  the  passage 
of  the  Act  were  to  apply  to  the  collector  of  internal 
revenue  in  their  respective  districts,  within  one 
year  of  the  passage  of  the  Act,  for  a  certificate  of 
residence ;  and  all  Chinamen  failing  to  do  so  were 
to  be  adjudged  to  be  unlawfully  in  the  United 
States,  and  were  to  be  subject  to  the  penalties  at- 
tached to  that  condition.'' 

'  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  25,  p.  504. 
'Ibid.,  vol.  27,  pp.  25,  26. 


United   States  and   China    65 

The  above  Act  was  amended  on  Nov.  3,  1893. 
The  terms  "  labourer  "  and  "  merchant "  were  clearly 
defined ;  and  it  was  provided  that  each  applicant 
for  a  certificate  of  residence  should  provide  the 
proper  officer  with  a  photograph  of  himself,  in 
duplicate.' 

On  March  17,  1894,  a  convention  was  concluded 
between  the  United  States  and  China  regarding 
the  immigration  into  the  former  country  of  Chinese 
labourers.  By  the  terms  of  this  convention  it  was 
provided  that,  for  ten  years  from  date,  Chinese  la- 
bourers were  absolutely  prohibited  from  entering 
the  United  States,  except  such  as  were  registered 
prior  to  the  signing  of  the  treaty,  and  who,  having 
a  lawful  wife,  child,  or  parent  in  the  United  States, 
or  property  valued  at  $1,000,  or  debts  due  to  that 
amount,  should  return  within  one  year  of  the  time 
they  left  the  country ."^ 

Finally,  by  the  joint  resolution  of  July  7,  1898, 
providing  for  the  annexation  of  Hawaii,  the  exclu- 
sion laws  of  the  United  States  were  applied  to  that 
island.^ 

The  enforcement  of  the  exclusion  laws  kept  the 
courts  busy,  and  a  number  of  appeals  were  taken 
to  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  from  time  to 
time.  The  views  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  regard 
to  the  effect  and  scope  of  the  Geary  Act  may  be 
gathered  by  reference  to  the  decision  in  the  case 
of  Fong  Yue  Ting,   Wong  Quan,  and  Lee  Joe  v. 

'  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  28,  pp.  7,  8. 

^  Ibid.,  pp.  1210-1212.         ^  Ibid.,  vol.  30,  pp.  750,  751. 


66       China  and  the   Powers 

United  States  (149  U.  S.  Reports,  689).  These 
cases  were  appeals  from  the  decision  of  the  Circuit 
Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern  Dis- 
trict of  New  York,  and  arose  in  respect  of  pro- 
ceedings to  deport  the  appellants  as  being  Chinese 
labourers  unlawfully  within  the  United  States. 
After  their  arrest  the  Chinamen  had  instituted 
habeas  corpus  proceedings  in  the  lower  court.  The 
judge  refused  to  issue  the  writs,  but  granted  leave 
to  appeal  from  his  decision. 

The  appeal  was  argued  before  the  United  States 
Supreme  Court  on  May  10,  1893;  and  the  decision 
was  delivered  on  the  15th  of  the  same  month.  Al- 
though the  case  went  against  the  appellants,  the 
decision  was  a  close  one, —  four  to  three, —  the  dis- 
senting judges  being  Chief  Justice  Fuller,  Mr. 
Justice  Brewer,  and  Mr.  Justice  Field.  The  de- 
cision of  the  Supreme  Court  on  the  law  of  the  case 
(there  was  no  issue  of  fact)  included  references  to 
a  number  of  similar  cases,  and  enunciated  these 
principles :  that  the  right  to  expel  or  exclude  aliens 
is  inherent  in  every  independent  nation ;  that  the 
power  of  expulsion  and  exclusion  is  a  political,  not 
a  judicial  power;  that,  in  passing  on  the  constitu- 
tionality of  any  law,  the  Supreme  Court  was  not 
called  on  to  take  cognisance  of  treaties  with  for- 
eign powers,  the  only  point  for  its  decision  being 
whether  Congress  framed  the  Act  in  the  exercise  of 
its  constitutional  authority ;  that,  the  Acts  restrict- 
ing Chinese  immigration  having  been  declared 
constitutional  by  the  Supreme  Court  on  the  occa- 


United   States  and  China    67 

sion  of  former  appeals,  it  could  not  be  held  that 
any  of  the  earlier  treaties  had  given  Chinese  la- 
bourers any  rights  to  remain  in  the  country  except 
by  the  license,  permission,  and  sufferance  of  Con- 
gress, to  be  withdrawn  whenever  in  its  opinion  the 
public  welfare  might  require  it.  To  put  the  matter 
in  a  nutshell,  the  decision  amounted  to  this :  that 
Congress,  acting  in  its  legislative  capacity,  might 
at  any  time  deprive  alien  residents  of  any  rights 
which  had  been  granted  by  the  same  body,  acting 
in  its  capacity  as  a  treaty-making  body,  as  a  matter 
of  agreement  with  a  foreign  government. 

The  three  dissenting  justices  based  their  opin- 
ions, for  the  most  part,  on  these  considerations: 
that,  as  the  appellants  had  entered  the  United 
States  under  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  1868,  they 
could  not  by  a  mere  legislative  Act  be  deprived  of 
the  rights  secured  them  by  the  treaty;  that,  as 
deportation  was  a  form  of  punishment,  it  could  not 
be  inflicted  except  after  trial  and  conviction ;  that, 
although  the  power  to  exclude  foreigners  had  fre- 
quently been  asserted,  the  power  to  expel  persons 
already  within  the  country  had  never  been  claimed ; 
that,  even  if  such  a  right  existed,  the  power  could 
not  be  used  against  men  to  whom  the  privilege  of 
residence  had  been  expressly  extended  by  treaty ; 
and  that  the  decision  of  the  court  gave  an  ex-post- 
facto  application  to  the  act  of  1892.  Mr.  Justice 
Field  said  in  his  opinion :  "  The  moment  any  hu- 
man being  from  a  country  at  peace  with  us  comes 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  with 


68       China  and  the   Powers 

their  consent, —  and  such  consent  will  always  be 
implied  when  not  expressly  withheld,  and  in  the 
case  of  the  Chinese  labourers  before  us  was  in 
terms  given  them  by  the  treaty  referred  to,'  —  he 
becomes  subject  to  all  their  laws,  is  amenable  to 
their  punishment,  and  entitled  to  their  protection. 
Arbitrary  and  despotic  power  can  no  more  be 
exercised  over  them  with  reference  to  their  persons 
and  property  than  over  the  persons  and  property 
of  native-born  citizens.  They  differ  only  from  citi- 
zens in  that  they  cannot  vote  or  hold  any  public 
ofHce.  As  men  having  our  common  humanity, 
they  are  protected  by  all  the  guarantees  of  the 
Constitution.  To  hold  that  they  are  subject  to 
any  different  law  or  are  less  protected  in  any  par- 
ticular than  other  persons  is,  in  my  judgment,  to 
ignore  the  teachings  of  our  history,  the  practice  of 
our  government,  and  the  language  of  the  Consti- 
tution." 

The  final  adjustment  of  the  Chinese  question  in 
the  United  States  left  nothing  between  the  two 
countries  but  their  trade.  The  interest  of  the 
United    States    in    China  from    1893    onward    has 

'  It  should  not  be  overlooked  that,  when  the  negotiations  were  entered 
into  with  the  Chinese  government  which  ended  in  the  treaty  of  Nov.  17, 
1880  (under  the  terms  of  which  the  United  States  reserved  the  right  to 
"regulate,  limit,  or  suspend  Chinese  immigration  "),  the  American  commis- 
sioners informed  the  Chinese  government  that,  "  as  far  as  those  [Chinese 
labourers]  are  concerned  who  under  treaty  guarantee  have  come  to  the 
United  States,  the  government  recognises  but  one  duty ;  and  that  is  to 
maintain  them  in  the  exercise  of  their  treaty  privileges  against  any  opposi- 
tion, whether  it  takes  the  shape  of  popular  violence  or  legislative  enact- 
ment."    Exec.  Docs.,  47th  Cong.,  ist  Sess.,  vol.  i,  p.  173. 


United   States  and   China    69 

centred  round  the  question  of  the  "  open  door,"  and 
the  action  of  the  country  in  this  connection  is  dis- 
cussed in  the  chapter  on  "  The  Conflicting  Inter- 
ests and  Ambitions  of  the  Powers  in  China." 


Chapter  IV. 

ENGLAND  AND  CHINA. 

Queen  Elizabeth  was  the  first  EngHsh  monarch 
who  attempted  to  open  up  direct  communication 
with  the  Chinese  Court.  In  1596  she  fitted  out 
three  ships  for  the  China  voyage,  and  gave  the 
master,  Benjamin  Wood,  letters  to  the  Emperor  of 
China.'  The  ships  were  lost  on  the  voyage,  and 
the  project  was  not  renewed.  In  1635  four  Eng- 
lish ships,  under  command  of  Captain  Weddell, 
arrived  at  the  Portuguese  settlement  of  Macao 
below  Canton.  This  intrusion  of  the  English  be- 
came a  matter  of  serious  concern  to  the  Portu- 
guese, whose  commercial  monopoly  was  thus 
threatened ;  and  every  effort  was  made  to  drive 
the  new-comers  away.  The  means  adopted  by  the 
Portuguese  to  secure  this  end,  and  how  they 
served,  are  set  forth  by  Captain  Weddell  in  his 
narrative  of  the  voyage.^  "...  And  the  Eng- 
lish ships  rode  with  their  white  ensigns  on  the 
poop ;  but  their  perfidious  friends,  the  Portugalls, 
had  in  all  that  time,  since  the  return  of  the  pin- 
nace, so  beslandered  them  to  the  Chinese,  report- 
ing them  to  be  rogues,  thieves,  beggars,  and  what 
not,  that  they  became  very  jealous  of  the  good 
meaning  of   the  English ;   insomuch    that,    in    the 

'  China,  by  Sir  John  Francis  Davis,  new  edition  (London,  1857),  p.  33. 

^  An  Authentic  Account  of  an  Embassy  from  the  King  of  Great  Britain 
to  the  Emperor  of  China,  by  Sir  George  Staunton,  new  edition,  2  vols.  (Dub- 
lin, 1878),  vol.  i.  pp.  7  and  8. 


England  and   China  71 

night  time,  they  put  forty-six  of  iron  cast  ordnance 
into  the  fort  lying  close  to  the  brink  of  the  river; 
each  piece  between  six  and  seven  hundred  weight, 
and  well  proportioned ;  and  after  the  end  of  four 
days,  having,  as  they  thought,  sufficiently  fortified 
themselves,  they  discharged  divers  shot,  though 
without  hurt,  upon  one  of  the  barges  passing  by 
them  to  find  out  a  convenient  watering  place. 
Herewith  the  whole  fleet,  being  instantly  incensed, 
did  on  the  sudden  display  their  bloody  ensigns; 
and  weighing  their  anchors  fell  up  with  the  flood, 
and  berthed  themselves  before  the  castle,  from 
whence  came  many  shot ;  yet  not  any  that  touched 
so  much  as  hull  or  rope ;  whereupon,  not  being 
able  to  endure  their  bravadoes  any  longer,  each 
ship  began  to  play  furiously  upon  them,  with  their 
broadsides ;  and  after  two  or  three  hours,  perceiv- 
ing their  cowardly  fainting,  the  boats  were  landed 
with  about  one  hundred  men ;  which  fight  oc- 
casioned them,  with  great  distractions,  instantly  to 
abandon  the  castle  and  fly;  the  boats'  crews  in  the 
meantime,  without  let,  entering  the  same,  and  dis- 
playing His  Majesty's  colours  of  Great  Britain  upon 
the  walls,  having,  the  same  night,  put  aboard  all 
their  ordnance,  fired  the  council-house,  and  de- 
molished what  they  could." 

This  was  the  first  encounter  between  British  and 
Chinese  soldiers ;  and  it  resulted,  as  each  encounter 
has  resulted  since  that  time,  in  the  granting  of 
simple  trading  privileges  previously  refused  to 
respectful  petition' 


72       China  and  the   Powers 

For  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  the  trade  with 
China  was  conducted  under  great  difficulties.  At- 
tempts were  made  by  the  English  East  India 
Company  to  open  intercourse  at  Ningpo,  Fuhchau, 
and  Amoy,  but  without  success;  and  Canton  re- 
mained the  only  "  open  "  port  of  China,  if  such  a 
term  may  be  applied  to  a  place  where  the  trade 
could  be  conducted  only  under  the  most  rigid  and 
absurd  regulations,  and  with  but  a  half-dozen  mer- 
chants appointed  by  the  government  for  that  pur- 
pose.' 

Notwithstanding  the  cumbersome  methods  of  the 
port,  the  trade  of  Canton  steadily  grew  in  impor- 
tance ;  and  in  i  ySS  Colonel  Cathcart  was  sent  out 
from  England  as  ambassador  to  China.  His  death 
on  the  voyage  out  put  an  end  to  the  project,  which 
was  not  renewed  until  1792.  In  that  year  Lord 
Macartney  carried  a  letter  from  George  III.  to 
the  Emperor  of  China.  Although  he  succeeded 
in  obtaining  an  audience,  and  that  without  sub- 
mitting to  the  degrading  ceremony  of  kowtow,* 
hitherto  insisted  upon  in  interviews  with  the  em- 
peror, the  mission  resulted  in  little  real  advantage 
to  the  interests  of  England  in  China.  It  was  dis- 
covered, after   the    embassy  had    returned    to    the 

*  For  an  account  of  the  early  methods  of  trade  at  Canton,  consult 
Remarks  on  China  and  the  China  Trade,  by  R.  B.  Forbes.     Boston,  1844. 

^  For  an  account  of  the  ceremonial  to  be  observed  at  the  Court  of 
China  by  foreign  ambassadors,  see  Histoire  des  Relations  Politiques  de  la 
Chine  avec  les  Puissances  Occidentales.  .  .  .  Suivie  du  Ceremonial  observe  h 
la  Cour  de  Pe-king  pour  la  Riception  des  Ambassadeurs,  by  G.  Pauthier. 
Paris,  1859. 


England  and   China  -j^ 

coast,  that  the  banners  carried  before  the  ambas- 
sador on  his  way  to  Peking  had  borne  the  legend, 
"Tribute  Bearers,"  —  a  precaution  taken  by  the 
Chinese  authorities  to  prevent  the  populace  learn- 
ing that  diplomatic  intercourse  had  been  opened 
with  the  "  barbarians."  ' 

The  reply  sent  by  the  Emperor  to  George  III. 
serves  not  only  to  show  the  utter  futility  of  the 
first  British  embassy,  but  to  convince  us  that,  even 
in  the  absence  of  specific  grievances,  an  attitude 
of  mind  so  intolerable  as  that  exhibited  in  the 
letter  would  have  been  sufficient  to  account  for  all 
the  foreign  wars  in  which  China  has  engaged  from 
that  day  to  this. 

This  letter,  which  bears  the  superscription,  "  An 
Imperial  Order  to  the  King  of  England,"  has  been 
translated  from  the  Tung-hwa  Ltih,  or  Published 
Court  Record  of  the  Manchu  Dynasty,  by  Mr. 
E.  H.  Parker;  and  from  this  source  I  make  the  fol- 
lowing extracts :  "  So  then,  thou  King,  far  away 
over  many  oceans,  thou  hast  inclined  thine  heart 
towards  civilisation,  and  hast  made  a  point  of  des- 
patching envoys  to  respectfully  bear  a  submissive 
address.  .  .  .  As  to  the  earnest  prayer  in  thine 
address,  King,  that  thou  mayest  despatch  a  man 
of  thine  own  nationality  to  reside  at  the  Celestial 
Court  and  take  the  management  of  the  commercial 
interests  of  thy  kingdom,  this  is  quite  contrary  to 

*  Lord  Macartney's  mission  is  described  in  An  Authentic  Account  of  an 
Embassy  froin  the  Kifig  of  Great  Britain  to  the  Emperor  of  China,  by  Sir 
George  Staunton.     2  vols.      Dublin,  1798. 


74       China  and  the   Powers 

the  policy  of  the  Celestial  Court,  and  positively  can- 
not be  allowed.  .  .  .  Thou  art  thus  clearly  notified 
of  our  pleasure,  and  thine  envoys  are  hereby  dis- 
missed and  commanded  to  betake  themselves  by 
comfortable  stages  back  to  their  country.  And 
thou.  King,  thou  shouldst  do  thy  best  to  realise 
our  imperial  meaning,  making  still  further  efforts 
to  prove  thy  loyalty,  and  forever  strive  to  be  respect- 
ful and  submissive,  so  as  to  preserve  to  thy  kingdom 
its  due  share  of  the  blessings  of  peace." 

A  further  command  runs :  "  Thou  King,  having 
yearned  from  a  distance  for  the  civilising  influence, 
and  having  most  earnestly  inclined  thyself  towards 
improvement,  hast  despatched  envoys  to  reverently 
bear  with  them  an  address  and  tribute,  to  cross  the 
sea  and  pray  for  our  happiness.  .  .  .  The  other  day 
thine  envoys  raised  the  question  of  thy  kingdom's 
commerce,  and  petitioned  our  ministers  to  bring 
the  matter  before  us.  It  all  involves  tampering 
with  fixed  rules,  and  is  inexpedient  to  accord. 
Hitherto  the  barbarian  ships  of  the  different  Euro- 
pean states  and  of  thine  own  kingdom,  coming  to 
trade  at  the  Celestial  Court,  have  always  conducted 
their  trade  at  Macao."  The  stores  of  goods  at  the 
Celestial  Court  are  plenteously  abundant.  There  is 
nothing  but  what  is  possessed,  so  that  there  is  really 
no  need  for  the  produce  of  outer  barbarians  in 
order  to  balance  supply  and  demand.  However, 
as   the   tea,  silk,  and    porcelain    produced    by  the 

'  For  an  account  of  Macao,  see  An  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Portuguese 
Settlements  in  China,  by  A.  Ljungstedt.     Boston,  1836. 


England  and   China  75 

Celestial  Court  are  indispensable  objects  to  the 
different  States  of  Europe  and  to  thy  kingdom,  for 
this  reason  we  have,  in  our  grace  and  commisera- 
tion, established  the  foreign  hongs '  at  Macao,  in 
order  that  all  daily  needs  may  be  duly  supplied,  and 
every  one  share  in  our  superfluous  riches.  But  now 
thine  envoys  have  made  considerable  demands  over 
and  above  what  is  provided  by  fixed  precedent,  in 
such  wise  as  to  run  seriously  counter  to  the  prin- 
ciple of  recognising  the  bounty  of  the  Celestial 
Court  to  distant  men,  and  its  ministering  care  of 
the  different  barbarians.  Moreover,  the  Celestial 
Court  exercises  a  controlling  supervision  over  all 
countries.  .  .  .  The  boundaries  of  the  Celestial 
Court  are  defined  with  absolute  clearness,  and 
never  have  individuals  belonging  to  outer  depen- 
dencies been  allowed  to  infringe  the  frontiers  or 
mix  with  our  people  in  the  least  degree.  Thus  the 
desire  of  thy  kingdom  to  set  up  a  hong  in  the 
metropolitan  city  cannot  be  granted.  .  .  .  As  to  the 
teaching  of  the  Lord  of  Heaven,  cultivated  by  thy 
kingdom,  this  is  simply  the  teaching  which  has,  up 
to  this  time,  been  cultivated  by  the  different  nations 
of  Europe.  The  sacred  emperors  and  illustrious 
kings  of  the  Celestial  Court  have,  ever  since  the 
creation  of  the  world,  handed  down  the  teachings 
which  they  have  instituted  from  time  to  time.  The 
earth's  millions  have  a  standing  guide  provided  for 
them  to  follow  herein,  and  would  not  befool  them- 
selves with  outlandish  doctrines.  .  .  .  The  Celestial 

'  Stores  or  warehouses. 


76       China  and  the   Powers 

Court  holds  in  conciliatory  possession  all  the  States 
of  the  world.  .  .  .  Tremble  and  obey,  without  fur- 
ther negligence,  this  further  command  !  " ' 

In  1816  another  British  embassy  was  de- 
spatched to  China;  but  audience  of  the  Emperor 
was  refused  because  Lord  Amherst,  the  Ambassa- 
dor, declined  to  perform  the  kowtow,  and  for  other 
reasons,  and  the  embassy  accomplished  nothing.^ 
"  Its  real  failure,"  says  Dr.  Williams,  "  was  owing  to 
the  utter  misconception  of  their  true  position  by 
the  Emperor  and  his  officials,  arising  from  their 
ignorance,  pride,  isolation,  and  mendacity,  all  com- 
bining to  keep  them  so  until  resistless  force  should 
open  them  to  meliorating  influences.  It  was  the 
last  attempt  of  the  kind ;  and  three  alternatives  only 
remained, —  the  resort  to  force  to  compel  them  to 
enter  into  some  equitable  arrangement,  entire  sub- 
mission to  whatever  they  ordered,  or  the  withdrawal 
of  all  trade  until  they  proposed  its  resumption. 
The  course  of  events  continued  the  second  until 
the  first  was  resorted  to,  and  eventuated  in  laying 
open  the  whole  coast  to  the  enterprise  of  Western 
nations."^ 

In  order  to  carry  our  narrative  to  the  point  where 
the  British  government  first  came  into  contact  with 
the  Chinese  government  in  the  conduct  of  practi- 

'  "  From  the  Emperor  of  China  to  King  George  III.,"  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury, July,  1896,  p.  45. 

*  For  an  account  of  Lord  Amherst's  embassy,  see  Jourfial  of  the  Late 
Embassy  to  China,  by  Henry  Ellis,  Third  Commissioner  of  the  Embassy. 
Philadelphia,  18 18. 

^  A  History  of  China,  by  S.  Wells  Williams  (New  York,  1897),  p.  107. 


England  and   China  77 

cal  affairs,  it  is  necessary  to  glance  for  a  moment 
at  the  changes  effected  in  the  early  part  of  the 
nineteenth  century  in  the  charter  of  the  English 
East  India  Company,  a  corporation  which  for 
more  than  two  centuries  held  the  East  Indian  and 
China  trade  as  a  monopoly,  and  which  up  to  1834 
conducted  all  business  transactions  with  the  Chi- 
nese authorities. 

On  July  21,  181 3,  Parliament  passed  an  "Act  . . . 
for  regulating  the  trade  to  and  from  the  places  with- 
in the  limits  of  the  said  Company's  Charter."'  By 
this  Act  the  trade  monopoly  of  the  Company  was 
abolished,  except  in  so  far  as  its  trade  with  China 
was  concerned',  from  April  10,  18 14.  Ten  years 
later,  in  1823,  the  charter  was  renewed,  the  Com- 
pany still  retaining  the  monopoly  of  the  China 
trade.*  In  1832  a  Select  Committee  of  the  House 
of  Commons  was  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  af- 
fairs of  the  Company ;  and  this  Committee  issued 
in  the  same  year  a  long  report,  covering  about 
5,000  folio  pages.'  On  Aug.  28,  1833,  an  Act 
was  passed  which,  whilst  it  continued  the  general 
powers  of  the  Company  until  April  30,  1854  (on 
which  day  the  Company  passed  out  of  existence), 
provided  for  the  throwing  open  of  the  China  trade 
from  April  22,  1834.**  On  the  same  day,  Aug. 
28,  1833,  a  further  Act  was  passed,  providing  for 
the  regulation  of  the  China  and  India  trade  from 

'  53  George  III.,  cap.  155.  '4  George  IV.,  cap.  80. 

'  The  Report  fills  7  vols.,  Nos.  8-14,  of  the  Sessional  Papers  for  1831-32. 

*3  and  4  William  IV.,  cap.  85. 


78       China  and  the   Powers 

the  time  when  it  passed  from  the  control  of  the 
East  India  Company/  By  this  Act,  His  Majesty 
was  empowered  to  appoint  three  superintendents 
to  reside  in  China  and  regulate  British  trade  in  that 
region.  Lord  Napier  was  appointed  chief  super- 
intendent, with  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir  John  Francis) 
Davis  and  Sir  George  Robinson  as  assistants.  On 
his  arrival  at  Canton,  Lord  Napier  attempted  to 
announce  his  mission  to  the  Chinese  authorities ; 
but  they  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  him.  His 
baggage  was  seized,  he  was  subjected  to  great  in- 
dignities, and  was  finally  compelled  to  retire  to 
Macao,  where  he  died  on  Oct.  ii,  1834.^ 

Lord  Napier  was  succeeded  by  Sir  George  Rob- 
inson, who,  in  turn,  was  replaced  by  Captain  (after- 
wards Sir  Charles)  Elliot.  Under  the  charge  of 
these  officials  the  trade  of  Canton  prospered  for  a 
while,  although  the  refusal  of  the  mandarin  to  have 
any  direct  dealings  with  the  British  representative 
made  everything  very  difficult  and  kept  affairs  at 
high  tension. 

But  trouble  was  ahead.  From  the  abolition  of 
the  monopoly  in  1834  up  to  the  outbreak  of  war 
between  England  and  China  in  1840  the  record  is 
made  up  of  the  perpetual  attempts  of  the  foreign 
merchants  to  secure  tolerable  conditions  for  their 
trade  and  of  the  continual  refusals  of  the  Chinese 
authorities  to  consider  the  foreigners  in  any  other 

'  3  and  4  William  IV.,  cap.  93. 

^  Lord  Napier's  despatches  and  a  mass  of  other  matter  relating  to  Chi- 
nese affairs  from  1834-1839  are  to  be  found  in  volume  36  of  the  Sessional 
Papers  for  1840. 


England  and   China  79 

lis:ht  than  as  barbarians.  The  immediate  cause  of 
the  outbreak  was  the  action  of  Lin,  the  Imperial 
Commissioner,  who,  under  the  pretext  of  investi- 
gating the  opium  trade  known  to  exist  at  Canton 
( with  the  connivance  and  active  aid  of  the  Chinese 
authorities),  imprisoned  the  whole  foreign  commu- 
nity, including  Sir  Charles  Elliot,  Her  Majesty's  rep- 
resentative,—  a  captivity  which  lasted  six  weeks. 
During  their  captivity  the  foreign  merchants,  acting 
under  the  order  of  Captain  Elliot  and  under  threat 
of  death  by  the  Chinese  authorities,  gave  up  all  the 
opium  in  their  possession.  The  whole  of  this,  some 
20,000  chests,  was  destroyed  by  Lin. 

The  insults  to  Her  Majesty's  representative  and 
the  outrage  upon  the  foreign  community,  added  to 
the  constant  threats  of  violence  on  the  part  of  the 
Chinese,  in  some  instances  carried  into  effect,  led, 
late  in  1839,  to  the  outbreak  of  hostilities. 

The  war  lasted  nearly  three  years,  and  was  brought 
to  a  close  after  the  British  troops  had  captured  a 
number  of  towns  and  had  defeated  the  Chinese  in 
many  engagements,  by  the  treaty  of  Nanking,  signed 
on  Aug.  29,  1842,  on  board  H.  M.  S.  Cornwallis^ 
off  Nanking,  by  Sir  Henry  Pottinger,  and  by  Keying, 
the  Chinese  High  Commissioner,  and  two  other 
Chinese  officials.' 

This  war  has  been  called  "  the  opium  war"  from 
the  important  part  played  by  that  drug  in  the  dis- 
cussions which  preceded  hostilities.     In  addition  to 

'  See  China  during  the  War  and  since  the  Peace,  by  Sir  John  Francis 
Davis.     2  vols.     London,  1852. 


8o 


China  and  the   Powers 


the  very  large  official  literature  of  the  subject,'  there 
is  a  considerable  collection  of  books  and  pamphlets 
by  private  individuals.^ 

The  plain  facts  appear  to  have  been  that  accord- 
ing to  Imperial  decrees  the  opium  trade  was  illegal, 
but  that  the  local  authorities  at  Canton  encouraged 
the  smuggling  of  the  drug.  It  was  asserted  by 
credible  witnesses  that  the  Viceroy  of  Kwangtung, 
in  which  province  Canton  is  situated,  had  four  boats 
flying  his  flag  engaged  in  the  trade.^  Edicts  were 
issued  from  time  to  time,  condemning  the  use  of  the 
drug;  but  no  serious  efforts  were  made  by  the 
Chinese  authorities  to  stop  the  smuggling  until  the 
drain  of  silver  in  payment  for  the  opium  so  advanced 
the  rate  of  exchange  for  copper  cash  *  that  Lin  was 
sent  to  Canton  to  investigate. 

The  British  superintendent  of  trade  at  Canton 
was  undoubtedly  aware  of  the  contraband  trade 
which  was  going  on ;  but  he  felt  that,  if  the  highest 
local  authorities  did  not  scruple  to  engage  in  the 
trade,  it  was  not  his  business  to  interfere,  the  more  so 
as  these  very  authorities  refused  to  recognise  his 
official  standing,  in  consideration  of  which  alone  he 
would  have  been  able  to  restrain  the  merchants. 

'See  Sessiotial  Papers,  1840,  vols.  7  and  36;  1841,  vol.  14;  1842,  vols. 
26  and  27  ;   1843,  v's.  i,  30,  31,  and  35. 

^  See  Bibliographical  Appendix,  Chijia  and  England, —  "War  of  1840." 

^Report  of  the  Select  Committee  on  the  Trade  with  China,  Sessional 
Papers  of  1840,  vol.  7,  No.  359,  pp.  51,  52,  and  95. 

^The  usual  rate  was  1,000  cash  to  i  tael  silver;  but  the  export  of 
silver  had  raised  the  exchange  to  16,000  to  i. 


Engrland   and   China 


&> 


So  it  amounted  to  this ;  that  both  sides  knew  the 
trade  was  illegal ;  both  sides  winked  at  it  (the  Chi- 
nese officials,  moreover,  making  a  handsome  income 
out  of  it,  on  the  one  hand  by  engaging  in  the  trade, 
on  the  other  by  accepting  bribes  to  allow  others  to 
do  so) ;  that  the  Chinese  put  themselves  in  the 
wrong  by  their  disregard  of  their  own  edicts  and  by 
the  violent  and  unjustifiable  methods  they  adopted, 
when,  under  pressure  from  the  Peking  officials,  they 
finally  decided  to  stop  the  trade ;  and  that  the  Eng- 
lish were  to  blame,  in  the  first  instance,  for  being 
party  to  the  dishonesty  of  the  local  officials,  and  in 
the  second  instance,  and  far  more  gravely,  for  insist- 
ing on  an  indemnity  being  paid  for  the  opium  which 
Lin  had  destroyed  at  Canton. 

But  wars  have  to  be  considered,  not  only  in  re- 
gard to  their  causes,  but  also  in  regard  to  their 
effects.  "  There  are  many  kinds  of  wars,"  says  Von 
Ranke,'  "  and  many  degrees  of  heroic  renown ; 
but  the  highest  praise  is  due  to  those  who,  by  their 
victorious  arms,  have  opened  new  scenes  for  the 
civilisation  of  mankind,  and  overcome  barbarism 
in  some  important  portion  of  the  world."  So, 
whilst  we  may  portion  out  blame  for  the  war 
of  1840  according  to  our  particular  views,  it  is  a 
very  practical  thing  to  observe  the  consequences 
of  the  war  as  far  as  they  affected  the  general 
condition    of  the    world. 

By  the   Treaty  of   Nanking,  1842,^  and    by  the 

'  Civil  Wars  and  Monarchy  in  France,  by  Leopold  von  Ranke  (New 
York,  1853),  p.  13. 

^  Sessional  Papers,  1844,  vol.  51,  No.  521. 


82       China  and  the   Powers 

Supplementary  Treaty  of  Hoomun-Chae,  1842' 
the  vexatious  restrictions  on  foreign  trade  at 
Canton  were  removed;  the  Co  Hong^  was  abol- 
ished ;  merchants  were  given  the  right  to  trade 
freely  with  all ;  the  four  ports  of  Amoy,  Ningpo, 
Fuhchau,  and  Shanghai,  were  thrown  open  to 
foreign  trade  (England  claimed  no  exclusive  privi- 
leges); and,  by  securing  the  right  of  communica- 
tion on  terms  of  equality  with  high  Chinese  officials, 
England  struck  the  first  effective  blow  at  that  ar- 
rogant and  intolerable  attitude  towards  foreigners 
by  which  —  to  quote  a  writer  strongly  opposed  to 
England's  general  policy  in  China  at  that  time 
—  "the  Chinese  government  brought  upon  itself 
all  the  evils  of  the  opium  trade  and  the  conse- 
quent wars."  ^  As  far  as  England's  actual  material 
gain  by  the  war  was  concerned,  she  obtained  the 
cession  of  Hongkong,  which  she  had  captured 
during  hostilities,  and  an  indemnity  of  ^21,000,000, 
of  which  $6,000,000  represented  the  value  of  the 
opium  destroyed  by   Lin. 

Although  there  was  the  usual  outcry,  both  on 
the  Continent  and  in  the  United  States,  about  the 
iniquity  of  the  British  government  in  going  to  war 
with  China,  each  nation  hastened  to  claim  for  it- 
self the  advantages  secured  to  the  world  at  large 
by  the  British   victories.     The   United  States  and 

^Sessional  Papers,  1844,  vol.  51,  No.  534. 

*  The  collective  title  of  the  few  Chinese  merchants  permitted  to  trade 
with   foreigners. 

^British  Opium  Policy  and  its  Results  in  India  and  China,  by  F.  S. 
Turner.     London,  xZpd. 


England  and  China  83 

France  sent  out  commissioners  at  once ;  and  each 
country  concluded  a  treaty  with  China,  securing 
to  itself  those  privileges  which,  had  it  not  been  for 
the  perfidious  Briton,  China  would  have  certainly 
withheld  for  many  years.  Belgium,  Spain,  Hol- 
land, Prussia,  and  Portugal  also  took  advantage  of 
the  new  order  of  things  to  send  out  representatives. 

We  may  dismiss  the  question  of  the  war  by  quot- 
ing two  concise  opinions  expressed  by  two  dis- 
tinguished Americans,  John  Quincy  Adams,  at  one 
time  President  of  the  United  States,  and  Dr.  S. 
Wells  Williams,  one  of  the  most  learned  sinologues 
of  his  time.  Mr.  Adams,  in  an  address  before  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  Nov.  22,  1841, 
on  the  subject  of  "  The  War  between  England  and 
China,"  said :  "  The  justice  of  the  cause  between  the 
two  parties, —  which  has  the  righteous  cause  ?  You 
have  perhaps  been  surprised  to  hear  me  answer, 
Britain.  Britain  has  the  righteous  cause.  But,  to 
prove  it,  I  have  been  obliged  to  show  that  the 
opium  question  is  not  the  cause  of  the  war.  My 
demonstration  is  not  yet  complete.  The  cause  of 
the  war  is  the  kowtow !  —  the  arrogant  and  insup- 
portable pretensions  of  China  that  she  will  hold 
commercial  intercourse  with  the  rest  of  mankind, 
not  upon  terms  of  equal  reciprocity,  but  upon  the 
insulting  and  degrading  forms  of  lord  and  vassal." ' 

Dr.  Williams,  whose  knowledge  of  Chinese  affairs 
was  unsurpassed  by  that  of  any  man  of  his  time, 

'  Boston  Evening  Transcript^  Wednesday,  Nov.  24,  1841.  The  address 
may  be  found  in  full  in  the  Chinese  Repository,  vol.  xi.  pp.  274-289. 


84       China  and  the   Powers 

sums  up  the  war  in  these  words :  "  The  war,  though 
eminently  unjust  in  its  cause  as  an  opium  war,  .  .  . 
was  still,  as  far  as  human  sagacity  can  perceive,  a 
wholesome  infliction  upon  a  government  which 
haughtily  refused  all  equal  intercourse  with  other 
nations,  or  explanations  regarding  its  conduct,  and 
forbade  its  subjects  having  free  dealings  with  their 
fellow-men.  If,  in  entering  upon  the  conflict,  Eng- 
land had  published  to  the  world  her  declaration  of 
the  reasons  for  engaging  in  it,  the  merits  of  the 
case  would  have  been  better  understood.  If  she 
had  said  at  the  outset  that  she  commenced  the 
struggle  with  the  Emperor  because  he  would  not 
treat  her  subjects  resorting  to  her  shores  by  his 
permission  with  common  humanity,  allowing  them 
no  intercourse  with  his  subjects  nor  access  to  his 
officers ;  because  he  contemptuously  discarded  her 
ambassadors  and  consular  agents,  sent  with  friendly 
design ;  because  he  made  foolish  regulations  (which 
his  own  subjects  did  not  observe)  an  occasion  of 
offence  against  others  when  it  suited  him,  and 
had  despoiled  them  of  their  property  by  strange 
and  arbitrary  proceedings,  weakening  all  confidence 
in  his  equity ;  lastly,  because  he  kept  himself  aloof 
from  other  sovereigns,  and  shut  out  his  people  from 
that  intercourse  with  their  fellow-men  which  was 
their  privilege  and  right, —  her  character  in  this  war 
would  have  appeared  far  better." 

It  may  be  profitable  if,  at  this  point,  we  have 
before  us  a  few  figures  showing  the  growth  of 
British  trade  with  China  from  the  signing  of  the 


England  and   China 


85 


Treaty  of  Nanking  down  to  the  present  time.  As 
all  sums  below  ^1,000  are  omitted,  a  calculation  at 
^5  to  the  pound  will  give  a  close  approximation  in 
United  States  currency. 


IMPORTS   FROM   CHINA   AND 

HONGKONG. 

In  thousands  of  pounds  sterling. 

Total. 


1845 
1850 
1855 


J  China, 

(  Hongkong, 

f  China, 

\  Hongkong, 

(  China, 

(  Hongkong, 

,0/-^    (  China, 

(  Hongkong, 

i86c    i  China,  10,678 

5    \  Hongkong,  773 

1870    •*  *^^'"^'  9.624 

'°70    (  Hongkong,  281 

187  r    \  China,  13,655 

'^    \  Hongkong,  1,155 

1880  iJ;^'"^;  "'^34 

(  Hongkong,  1,253 

go      j  China,  8,614 

^    (  Hongkong,  968 

1890    \'^''^\  4,830 

^      (  Hongkong,  1,225 

i8qc    \  Ch^"^'  3-343 

'^    \  Hongkong,  759 

2,973 

\  Hongkong,  797 

China,  2,684 

Hongkong,  606 

China,  2,668 

Hongkong,  724 

(  China,  3,079  \ 

\  Hongkong,  S84  ( 


,c^/;    i  China, 

1897 
1898 


8,746 

9-324 

11,451 

9.905 
14,810 

13.0S7 
9,582 
6,005 
4,102 
3.770 
3,290 
3.392 
3.963 


1845 
1850 

1S5S 
i860 
1865 
1870 
1875 
1S80 
1885 
1890 
1895 
1896 
1897 


EXPORTS  OF  DOMESTIC  PRODUCE 

TO  CHINA  AND  HONGKONG. 

In  thousands  of  pounds  sterling. 

Total. 

China, 

Hongkong, 
(  China, 
(  Hongkong, 
(  China, 
(  Hongkong, 

China, 

Hongkong, 

China, 

Hongkong, 

China, 

Hongkong, 

China, 

Hongkong, 

China, 

Hongkong, 

China, 

Hongkong, 

China, 

Hongkong, 

China, 

Hongkong, 

China, 

Hongkong, 

China, 

Hongkong, 


8551 

1.539  S 
976  I 
598  f 
889) 
3895 

2,872"! 

2,445  / 

3.603 

1.549 

6.139  I 
3-408  ( 

4-928 
3,600 

5,064  ) 
3-778  i 
5.187  I 
3-757  ( 
6,609  ) 
2,528  \ 

5.257  \ 

1,909  s 
6,717 


(  China, 

I  Hongkong, 

j  China, 

I  Hongkong, 


5,142 

1.975 

5-044 
2,224 

7,035 
2,690 


2,394 
1.574 
1,278 

S-317 
5.152 
9.547 
8,528 
8,842 
8,944 
9-137 
7,166 

8.539 
7. "7 


7,268 


9.725 


The  signing  of  the  Treaty  of  Nanking  marked 
the  commencement  of  a  new  era  in  China.  But, 
as  the  impression  created  by  the  hostilities  wore 
off,    the    Chinese    showed    themselves    to    be    still 


86       China  and  the   Powers 

bitterly  opposed  to  intercourse  with  foreigners; 
and  great  difficulty  was  experienced  in  securing  the 
performance  of  the  treaty  obligations. 

As  time  passed,  relations  between  the  two  coun- 
tries became  strained.  A  number  of  Englishmen 
were  murdered  near  Canton ;  the  foreign  settle- 
ment at  Shanghai  was  attacked ;  Chinese  pirates 
became  a  serious  menace  to  the  merchant  fleet; 
and  the  local  authorities  at  Canton  refused  to  open 
the  city  to  foreigners  according  to  the  treaty 
agreement.' 

Matters  came  to  a  head  at  Canton  on  Oct. 
8,  1856,  when  a  party  of  Chinamen  from  a 
Chinese  war  junk  boarded  a  small  vessel  called 
the  Arrow,  having  a  British  register  and  flying 
the  British  flag,  and  carried  off  the  Chinese  crew. 
After  some  correspondence  with  Yeh,  the  Imperial 
Commissioner,  who  refused  to  apologise  for  the 
action  of  his  officials  in  hauling  down  the  British 
flag  on  the  Arrow,  hostilities  were  commenced 
and  a  condition  of  local  war  was  established.  The 
British  forces  captured  the  forts  surrounding  Can- 
ton ;  and  Yeh  retaliated  by  burning  down  all  the 
foreign   factories,   by    offering  a  bounty  of    thirty 

'  Papers  relating  to  the  Riot  at  Canton,  1846,  Sessional  Papers,  1847, 
vol.  40,  No.  808.  Papers  relating  to  the  Murder  of  Six  Englishmen  in 
the  Neighbourhood  of  Canton,  Sessional  Papers,  1847-48,  vol.  48,  No. 
930.  Further  Papers  on  the  Same  Subject,  Sessional  Papers,  1847-48, 
vol.  48,  No.  947.  Correspondence  respecting  the  Attack  on  the  Foreign 
Settlements  at  Shanghai,  Sessional  Papers,  1854,  vol.  72,  No.  1792. 
Correspondence  between  the  Foreign  Office  and  the  Commercial  Association 
of  Manchester  relative  to  Outrages  committed  on  British  Subjects  in 
China  in  1846,  1847,  and  1848,  Sessional  Papers,  1857  (2d  Session),  vol. 
43,  No.  2220. 


England  and   China  87 

taels  for  the  head  of  each  Englishman  killed  or 
captured,  and  by  attempting,  through  the  agency 
of  a  local  baker,  to  poison  the  whole  foreign  com- 
munity at  Hongkong  by  the  introduction  of 
arsenic  into  the   bread.' 

In  December,  1856,  a  pause  occurred  in  the  hos- 
tilities ;  for  the  British  admiral,  Sir  Michael  Sey- 
mour, had  sent  home  to  England  for  five  thousand 
troops,  and  until  their  arrival  no  formal  invest- 
ment of   Canton  could  be  undertaken. 

The  British  government,  moved  by  a  desire  to 
effect  a  permanent  settlement  of  outstanding  ques- 
tions, decided  to  send  out  with  the  army  an  am- 
bassador equipped  with  full  powers  to  negotiate  a 
treaty  with  the  Peking  authorities.  To  this  im- 
portant post  the  Earl  of  Elgin  and  Kincardine  was 
appointed  in  April,  1857.  His  instructions  from 
Lord  Clarendon  were  explicit.^  In  part,  they 
were  as  follows  :  — 

"  If  the  Emperor  of  China  should  name  a  pleni- 
potentiary to  treat  with  you,  and  negotiations 
should  accordingly  be  entered  into.  Your  Excel- 
lency will  have  to  provide  for  the  following  points. 

'Papers  relating  to  the  Proceedings  of  Her  Majesty's  Naval  Forces 
at  Csinton,  Sessional  jPaJiers,  18 ^y  (2d  Session),  vol.  43,  Nos.  2206,  2223, 
and  2276.  Correspondence  with  the  Chinese  Commissioner  Yeh,  Sessional 
Papers,  1857-58,  vol.  60,  No.  2322.  Papers  connected  with  the  Confine- 
ment of  Chinese  Prisoners  at  Hongkong,  and  with  the  Trial  of  a  Baker 
and  Others  on  the  Charge  of  Poisoning,  Sessiottal  Papers,  1857,  vol.  43, 
No.  155. 

■Correspondence  relative  to  the  Earl  of  Elgin's  Special  Missions  to 
China  and  Japan,  1857-59,  Sessional  Papers,  1859,  vol.  33,  No.  257I1 
pp.  1-7. 


88       China  and  the   Powers 

"...  For  reparations  of  injuries  to  British  sub- 
jects ;  for  the  complete  execution  at  Canton,  as 
well  as  at  the  other  ports,  of  the  stipulations  of  the 
several  treaties ;  compensation  to  British  sub- 
jects and  persons  entitled  to  British  protection 
for  losses  incurred  in  consequence  of  the  late  dis- 
turbances ;  the  assent  of  the  Chinese  govern- 
ment to  the  residence  at  Peking,  or  to  the  oc- 
casional visit  to  that  capital,  at  the  option  of  the 
British  government,  of  a  minister  duly  accredited 
by  the  Queen  to  the  Emperor  of  China,  and  the 
recognition  of  the  right  of  the  British  plenipoten- 
tiary and  chief  superintendent  of  trade  to  com- 
municate directly  in  writing  with  the  high  officers 
at  the  Chinese  capital  and  to  send  his  communica- 
tions by  messengers  of  his  own  selection, —  such 
arrangements  affording  the  best  means  of  insuring 
the  due  execution  of  the  existing  treaties,  and 
of  preventing  future  misunderstandings ;  a  re- 
vision of  the  treaties  with  China  with  a  view  to 
obtaining  increased  facilities  for  commerce,  such  as 
access  to  cities  on  the  great  rivers,  as  well  as  to 
Chapoo  and  to  other  ports  on  the  coast,  and  also 
permission  for  Chinese  vessels  to  resort  to  Hong- 
kong for  purposes  of  trade  from  all  ports  of  the 
Chinese  Empire  without  distinction. 

"  If  the  Chinese  government  should  agree  to  the 
first  three  demands,  Your  Excellency  will  still  en- 
deavour to  procure,  by  negotiation,  the  last  two 
points ;  but,  if  they  should  refuse  to  enter  into  any 
negotiation,    or  should  not  agree  to  all    the  three 


England  and   China  89 

demands  first  specified,  Your  Excellency  will  be  jus- 
tified in  having  recourse  at  once  to  coercive 
measures. 

"  Your  Excellency  is  so  well  aware  of  the  princi- 
ples by  which  Her  Majesty's  government  are  act- 
uated that  I  need  not  press  upon  you  the  necessity 
of  bearing  in  mind  that  Her  Majesty's  government 
have  no  desire  to  obtain  any  exclusive  advantages 
for  British  trade  in  China,  but  are  only  desirous  to 
share  with  all  other  nations  any  benefits  which  they 
may  acquire  in  the  first  instance  specifically  for 
British  commerce." 

Lord  Elgin  left  England  in  May,  1857,  and  arrived 
at  Singapore  on  June  3  of  the  same  year.  Here 
he  found  a  letter  from  Lord  Canning,  governor- 
general  of  India,  apprising  him  of  the  outbreak  of 
the  Indian  mutiny,  and  imploring  him  to  divert  to 
Calcutta  the  troops  intended  for  the  China  expedi- 
tion. Under  these  circumstances,  Lord  Elgin  acted 
with  promptitude  and  decision.  Not  only  did  he  at 
once  despatch  to  India  such  portion  of  the  China 
Expeditionary  Force  as  had  arrived  at  Singapore, 
but,  on  reaching  Hongkong  and  receiving  there 
news  of  the  spread  of  the  mutiny,  he  gathered  to- 
gether all  available  forces,  and,  abandoning  for  the 
time  his  China  mission,  set  out  for  Calcutta,  where 
he  arrived  on  Aug.  8,  1857,  in  time  to  exert  a  most 
beneficial  influence  on  the  state  of  affairs  in  Lower 
Bengal.  Lord  Elgin  left  Calcutta  again  on  Sept. 
3,  1857,  and  arrived  at  Hongkong  on  the  20th  of 
the  same  month.     On  the  i6th  of  October,  Baron 


90 


China  and   the   Powers 


Gros,  the  French  plenipotentiary  (for  France  also 
had  a  score  to  settle  with  China  on  account  of  the 
murder  of  Pere  Chapdelaine,  who  was  tortured  and 
beheaded  in  1856),  arrived,  and,  after  a  conference 
with  Lord  Elgin,  took  up  his  anchorage  a  few 
miles  from  Hongkong. 

On  Dec.  12,  1857,  Lord  Elgin  sent  an  ulti- 
matum to  Yeh,  the  Imperial  Commissioner,'  demand- 
ing the  complete  execution  at  Canton  of  all  treaty 
engagements,  and  compensation  to  British  subjects 
and  persons  entitled  to  British  protection  for  losses 
incurred  during  the  recent  disturbances.  Ten  days 
were  allowed  Yeh  in  which  to  make  up  his  mind, 
and  subsequently  a  further  delay  of  five  days  oc- 
curred. So  it  was  not  until  Dec.  28,  1857,  that 
the  allied  squadron  of  England  and  France,  in  view 
of  the  continued  refusal  of  Yeh  to  come  to  terms, 
commenced  the  bombardment  of  Canton.  The  city 
was  captured  the  following  day,  and  Yeh  was  taken 
prisoner.'' 

In  the  mean  time  there  had  arrived  at  Canton 
William  B.  Reed,  United  States  Minister  to  China, 
and  Count  Putiatine,  the  Russian  Plenipotentiary. 
The  object  of  the  former  was  to  secure  a  revision 
of  the  Treaty  of  Wanghia  and  to  obtain  compensa- 
tion for  the  losses  sustained  by  American  citizens 
when  Yeh  burned  down  the  foreign  hongs.  Count 
Putiatine,  who  had  been  most  discourteously  used 
the   previous   year    at    the    mouth   of   the    Peiho, 

*  Sessional  Papers,  1859  (2d  Session),  vol.  33,  No.  2571,  pp.  95,  and  96. 
'  He  was  sent  to  Calcutta  as  a  prisoner  of  State. 


England  and   China  91 

desired  to  settle  a  boundary  dispute  and  to  obtain 
redress  for  the  burning  and  pillage  of  a  Russian 
factory  at  Tarbagatae. 

The  opportunity  seemed  favourable  for  joint 
action ;  and  accordingly  the  Plenipotentiaries  of 
England,  the  United  States,  France,  and  Russia, 
forwarded  notes  of  a  similar  tenor  to  the  Imperial 
authorities.' 

There  was  nothing  in  these  letters  which  need 
have  caused  the  slightest  uneasiness  in  the 
minds  of  the  Imperial  authorities.  The  demands, 
which  were  couched  in  firm  but  respectful  lan- 
guage, followed  the  general  line  of  compensation 
for  past  injuries,  fair  trade  arrangements,  access  to 
the  high  officials  of  the  Empire,  the  fulfilment  of 
the  existing  treaty  pledges,  and  freedom  of  con- 
science for  Christian   converts. 

The  tortuous  workings  of  the  Chinese  system, 
as  well  as  the  utter  uselessness  of  attempting  to 
achieve  any  results  by  diplomatic  representation 
alone,  are  clearly  to  be  gathered  from  the  reply 
which  Lord  Elgin  received  from  Yu,  the  secretary 
of  state  at  Peking.-  Lord  Elgin  had  forwarded 
his  letter  to  Yu  through  the  medium  of  Ho,  the 
Governor-General  of  the  Two  Kwang,  and  Chau, 
the  governor  of  Kwang-su. 

Yu  does  not  condescend  to  answer  Lord  Elgin's 

'  The  four  notes  are  to  be  found  in  U.S.  Senate  Exec.  Docs.,  No.  30, 
36th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.  The  English  note,  pp.  134-136.  The  United 
States  note,  pp.  171-175.  The  French  note,  pp.  164-168.  The  Russian 
note,  pp.  177-179. 

^  Sessional  Papers,  1859  (2d  Session),  vol.33,  No.  2571,  pp.  241,  242. 


92       China  and   the   Powers 

communication,  but  writes  to  Ho  and  Chau:  "I 
have  perused  the  letter  received,  and  have  ac- 
quainted myself  with  all  it  relates  to.  .  .  .  His 
Majesty  the  Emperor  is  magnanimous  and  consid- 
erate. He  has  been  pleased,  by  a  decree  which  we 
have  had  the  honour  to  receive,  to  degrade  Yeh 
from  the  governor-generalship  of  the  Two  Kwang 
for  his  mal-administration,  and  to  despatch  his 
Excellency  Hwang  to  Kwang-Tung'  as  Imperial 
Commissioner  in  his  stead,  to  investigate  and  decide 
with  impartiality;  and  it  will  of  course  behoove 
the  English  minister  to  wait  in  Kwang-Tung,  and 
there  make  his  arrangements.  No  Imperial  Com- 
missioner ever  conducts  business  at  Shanghai. 
There  being  a  particular  sphere  of  duty  allotted 
to  every  official  on  the  establishment  of  the  Celes- 
tial Empire,  and  the  principle  that  between  them 
and  the  foreigner  there  is  no  intercourse^  being 
one  ever  rigidly  adhered  to  by  the  servants  of  our 
government  of  China,  it  would  not  be  proper  for  me 
to  reply  in  person  to  the  letter  of  the  English  min- 
ister. Let  your  Excellencies,  therefore,  transmit  to 
him  all  that  I  have  said  above." 

It  was  decided,  after  the  receipt  of  this  communi- 
cation, that  the  best  course  for  the  plenipotentiaries 
was  to  go  north  to  the  Gulf  of  Pe-chi-li,  where, 
within  striking  distance  of  Peking,  communication 
with  the  Imperial  authorities  could   be  advantage- 

'  The  province  of  which  Canton  is  the  capital. 

"  Yu  apparently  ignored  the  eleventh  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Nanking, 
Mrhich  provided  for  official  intercourse  with  the  high  Chinese  officials. 


England  and   China  93 

ously  reopened.  In  accordance  with  this  policy 
the  four  ministers  repaired  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Peiho;  and  by  the  end  of  April,  1858,  negotiations 
were  under  way  once  more. 

But  here  again  every  obstacle  was  placed  by  the 
Chinese  authorities  in  the  way  of  a  definite  settle- 
ment ;  and,  finally,  after  a  month  spent  in  useless 
discussion,  Lord  Elgin  and  Baron  Gros  decided 
that,  unless  they  were  nearer  to  Peking,  nothing 
would  come  of  their  efforts.  But,  on  attempting  to 
pass  up  the  river  to  Tientsin,  the  Taku  forts  opened 
fire  on  the  allied  squadron.  The  fire  was  returned; 
and  after  a  few  hours'  fighting  the  forts  were  cap- 
tured on  May  20,  1858. 

Ten  days  later  Lord  Elgin  and  the  other  pleni- 
potentiaries entered  Tientsin,  there  to  await  the 
arrival  of  Chinese  commissioners  equipped  with 
full  power  to  treat.  These  presently  appeared  in 
the  persons  of  Kweiliang  and  Hwashana,  who  were 
authorised  by  the  Imperial  authorities  to  hear  what 
the  barbarians  had  to  say,  and  to  conclude  such 
arrangements  as  were  necessary  in  the  circum- 
stances. By  the  end  of  June,  1858,  the  four  treaties 
were  signed,  but  only  after  every  device  had  been 
exhausted  by  the  Chinese  to  avoid  binding  engage- 
ments. In  general  tenor  the  treaties  were  much 
the  same.'  The  English  treaty,  signed  at  Tientsin 
on  June  26,  1858,  consisted  of  fifty-six  articles,  with 

*  The  English  Treaty,  British  Sessional  Papers^  1859,  vol.  33,  pp.  347-355. 
The  American  Treaty,  United  States  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  12,  pp.  1023- 
1030.  The  Russian  Treaty,  U.S.  Senate  Exec.  Docs.,  No.  30,  36th  Cong., 
1st  Sess.,  vol.  10,  pp.  387-391.     The  French  Treaty,  Ibid.,  pp.  395-409. 


94       China  and  the   Powers 

a  supplementary  unnumbered  article  providing  for 
the  payment  by  China  of  an  indemnity  of  four  mill- 
ion taels,  two  million  on  account  of  losses  sus- 
tained by  British  subjects  at  Canton  and  two  mill- 
ion for  the  cost  of  the  China  expedition. 

By  this  treaty  England  secured  the  right  of 
sending  an  ambassador  to  reside  at  Peking,  and 
the  reiteration  of  her  right  to  communicate  freely 
with  high  Chinese  officials.  The  British  ambassa- 
dor was  henceforth  to  be  admitted  to  audience 
with  the  Emperor  of  China,  without  being  re- 
quired to  perform  the  kowtow  or  any  other  degrad- 
ing ceremony.  Christianity  was  recognised  by 
Article  8,  in  these  words :  "  The  Christian  religion, 
as  professed  by  Protestants  and  Roman  Catholics, 
inculcates  the  practice  of  virtue,  and  teaches  man 
to  do  as  he  would  be  done  by.  Persons  teaching 
it  or  professing  it,  therefore,  shall  alike  be  entitled 
to  the  protection  of  the  Chinese  authorities ;  nor 
shall  any  such,  peaceably  pursuing  their  calling,  and 
not  offending  against  the  laws,  be  persecuted  or 
interfered  with." 

The  Yang-tsze  River  was  thrown  open  to  foreign 
trade,  as  were  the  ports  of  New-Chwang,  Tang- 
Chow,  Tai-Wau  (Formosa),  Chau-Chow  (Swatoa), 
and  Kiung-Chow  (Hainan).  Finally,  by  Article  56, 
it  was  agreed  that  ratifications  should  be  exchanged 
at  Peking  within  one  year  from  the  signing  of  the 
treaty,  June  26,  1858. 

The  French  and  Russian  treaties  also  provided 
for  ratification  at  Peking  within  a  year. 


England  and   China  95 

Subsequent  events  showed  th?.t,  in  signing  the 
treaties  of  1858,  China  had  been  moved  only  by  a 
desire  to  get  rid  of  the  barbarians,  whatever  the  cost 
might  be  —  in  promises.  No  sooner  had  the  min- 
isters retired  from  Tientsin,  taking  with  them  the 
allied  army  and  navy,  than  the  Chinese  began  to 
fortify  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho  against  the  time  when 
the  babarians  should  return  to  ratify  their  treaties 
at  Peking. 

Lord  Elgin  returned  to  England  early  in  1859; 
and  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir  Frederick)  Bruce  was  ap- 
pointed Envoy  Extraordinary  to  China,  charged  with 
the  task  of  carrying  to  Peking  the  ratified  copy  of 
the  treaty  of  Tientsin  and  of  receiving  a  copy  rati- 
fied by  the  Emperor  in  return. 

From  the  moment  he  arrived  in  China,  Mr.  Bruce 
perceived  that  the  Imperial  authorities  had  no  inten- 
tion of  permitting  him  to  go  to  Peking.  After  a 
great  deal  of  discussion,  he  went,  accompanied  by 
M.  Bourdolon  (the  French  envoy,  on  a  similar  mis- 
sion), to  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho.  Here,  as  soon  as 
he  attempted  to  pass  up  to  Peking,  the  Chinese 
forts  opened  fire  on  his  vessel,  and,  despite  the 
utmost  efforts  of  the  British  sailors,  compelled  him 
to  retire  from  the  entrance  of  the  river.  It  was  on 
this  occasion  that  the  United  States  Commodore 
Tatnall  justified  his  friendly  assistance  in  towing 
boat-loads  of  British  marines  into  action  by  the 
famous  expression,   "  Blood  is  thicker  than  water." 

The  affair  at  the  Taku  forts  in  1859  has  a  cer- 
tain peculiar  interest  at  the  present  time  from  the 


96       China  and   the   Powers 

fact  that  the  troops  at  the  forts  were  ordered  to  rep- 
resent themselves,  in  the  event  of  defeat  by  the 
Enghsh,  as  merely  local  militia  acting  without  au- 
thority from  Peking.  Thus,  if  the  Chinese  were 
defeated,  the  Imperial  authorities  would  have  been 
able  to  disclaim  responsibility.  The  analogy  be- 
tween this  instance  and  that  of  the  "  Boxer  "  troops 
in  Peking  is  instructive. 

In  view  of  the  repulse  at  Taku  the  work  of  Lord 
Elorin's  mission  had  to  be  done  all  over  asrain.     Ac- 

o  o 

ccrdingly,  Lord  Elgin  was  again  appointed  Ambas- 
sador Extraordinary  in  behalf  of  England,  and  Baron 
Gros  received  a  similar  reappointment  from  the 
French  government.' 

Lord  Elgin  and  his  suite  arrived  at  Hongkong 
on  June  21,  i860.  Here  he  learned  that  Mr. 
Bruce  had  delivered  an  ultimatum  to  the  Chinese 
authorities,  in  compliance  with  instructions  from 
Lord  John  Russell/ and  had  intimated  that  an  early 
reply  would  be  looked  for  at  Shanghai.  The  terms 
of  the  ultimatum  were  an  apology  for  the  act  of  the 
troops  which  fired  on  the  ships  of  the  British  em- 
bassy at  Taku,  the  ratification  without  delay  at 
Peking  of  the  treaty  of  1858,  and  the  payment  of 
four  million  taels,  as  stipulated  in  that  treaty,  for 
losses  incurred  by  British  subjects  in  Canton.^ 

'  For  an  account  of  Lord  Elgin's  second  mission,  see  Personal  Narra- 
tive of  Occurrences  during  Lord  Elgin's  Second  Embassy  to  China,  iS6o,  by 
Henry  Brougham  Locli,  Private  Secretary  to  tlie  Earl  of  Elgin.  London, 
1870. 

^ Sessional  Papers,  i86i,  vol.  66,  No.  2754,  pp.  i  and  2. 

^Ibid.,  pp.  32,  2,Z'>  and  34. 


England  and   China  97 

This  ultimatum  was  met  by  a  flat  refusal  on  all 
points.' 

Affairs  were  thus  at  a  deadlock  when  Lord 
Elgin  and  Baron  Gros  arrived  a  second  time  in 
China.  Without  delay,  therefore,  the  Ambassadors 
went  north  to  the  Gulf  of  Pe-chi-li,  accompanied  by 
the  allied  forces,  naval  and  military.  The  British 
contingent,  about  thirteen  thousand  strong,  was 
under  the  command  of  Lieutenant-General  Sir  Hope 
Grant  and  Vice-Admiral  Hope ;  and  the  French 
contingent,  numbering  less  than  nine  thousand,  was 
commanded  by  General  De  Montauban  and  Vice- 
Admiral  Charner. 

Anchored  once  more  near  the  mouth  of  the  Pei- 
ho,  the  embassies  were  compelled  to  undergo  an 
irritating  correspondence  with  the  Chinese  authori- 
ties. Hang,  Governor-General  of  the  Province  of 
Chih-li,  whose  only  desire  was  to  obtain  favor  at 
Court  by  preventing  the  ambassadors  from  pro- 
ceeding up  to  Tientsin,  wrote  to  Lord  Elgin,  in- 
forming him  that  he,  the  Governor-General,  was 
empowered  by  the  Emperor  to  discuss  matters  and 
arrange  for  the  ratification  of  the  treaties.  It  was 
soon  discovered,  however,  that  Hang  had  no  proper 
credentials.  Foiled  in  this  attempt.  Hang  wrote 
that  if  Lord  Elgin  would  wait  at  Peh-tang  (a  few 
miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho)  the  Imperial 
Commissioners,  Wan-tsiun  and  Hang-ti,  would 
shortly  arrive  to  conduct  the  embassy  to  Peking. 

In  the  mean  time  the  allied  forces  assaulted  and 

^  Sessional  Papers,  1861,  vol.  66,  No.  2754,  pp.  42,  43. 


98        China  and  the   Powers 

captured  the  Taku  forts.  Under  the  influence  of 
this  defeat  the  governor-general  of  Chih-li  asked 
Lord  Elgin  to  proceed  up  the  river  to  Tientsin, 
there  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  Imperial  Commis- 
sioners. The  Peking  authorities  appear  to  have 
been  much  alarmed  by  the  approach  of  Lord  Elgin ; 
and  they  appointed  Kweiliang  as  an  additional 
commissioner,  instructing  him  to  proceed  at  once 
to  Tientsin. 

Kweiliang,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  one 
of  the  Imperial  Commissioners  who  signed  the 
Treaty  of  Tientsin  in  1858,  wrote  to  Lord  Elgin 
informing  him  of  his  appointment,  and  stating  that 
he  w^as  equipped  with  full  powers  to  discuss  and  to 
dispose  of  all  matters  of  controversy.  In  a  later 
despatch  Kweiliang  wrote  Lord  Elgin  that  he  was 
authorised  to  agree  to  all  the  points  raised  in  the 
British  ultimatum,  and  that  under  these  circum- 
stances the  military  operations  of  the  allies  should 
be  suspended. 

Lord  Elgin  replied  that  he  would  at  once  cause  a 
cessation  of  hostilities  if  the  Imperial  Commis- 
sioners would  sign  a  Convention  in  accordance 
with  the  promises  contained  in  their  note.  But, 
when  it  came  to  the  point,  the  Commissioners 
admitted  that  they  had  no  power  to  do  so.  The 
whole  affair  was  simply  a  ruse  to  gain  time. 

It  would  be  wearisome  to  describe  in  detail  the 
events  which  followed.  As  soon  as  the  imperial 
authorities  found  that  Kweiliang  and  his  colleagues 
were   not  able   to   induce   Lord   Elgin  to  stay  his 


England  and   China  99 

progress,  they  appointed  two  new  commissioners, 
Tsai,  Prince  of  I,  and  Muh-yin,  President  of  the 
Board  of  War.  The  new  Commissioners  promised 
everything,  and  failed  in  performance  as  the  others 
had  done.  At  last  matters  were  brought  to  a  head 
by  the  seizure  of  Messrs.  Parkes  and  Loch,  with 
their  escort,  when  they  went  by  arrangement  into 
the  Chinese  camp  to  discuss  affairs  with  the  Com- 
missioners. The  whole  party  was  captured,  and 
were  brutally  ill-treated  on  the  way  to  Peking.  Of 
the  twenty-six  persons  who  were  thus  seized,  in 
violation  of  a  flag  of  truce,  thirteen  were  either 
murdered  outright  or  died  from  the  effects  of  the 
tortures  which  they  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the 
Chinese.' 

When  Lord  Elgin  realised  what  had  befallen  his 
messengers,  he  determined  to  push  on  at  once  to 
Peking.  When  he  reached  Pa-li-chiau,  he  received 
a  communication  from  Prince  Kung,  brother  of  the 

'  See  Personal  Narrative  of  Occurrences  during  Lord  Elgin's  Second  Em- 
bassy to  China,  by  Henry  Brougham  Loch,  pp.  127-238. 

Sessiofial  Papers,  1S61,  vol.  66,  No  2754,  pp.  190-195,  226-244. 

"  After  we  had  all  been  tied,  they  put  water  on  our  bonds  to  tighten  them. 
They  then  lifted  us  up,  and  took  us  into  a  court-yard,  where  we  remained  in 
the  open  for  three  days,  e.xposed  to  the  sun  and  cold.  We  bad  nothing  to 
eat  all  that  time.  If  we  spoke  a  word  or  asked  for  water,  we  were  beaten 
and  stamped  upon.  They  kicked  us  about  the  head  with  their  boots.  If  we 
asked  for  something  to  eat,  they  crammed  dirt  dov.-n  our  mouths."  (Evi- 
dence of  Mahomed  Khan,  4th  Troop,  Fane's  Horse.) 

"  Lieutenant  Anderson  became  delirious,  and  remained  so,  with  a  few 
lucid  intervals,  until  his  death,  which  occurred  on  the  ninth  day  of  his  im- 
prisonment. Two  days  before  his  death  his  nails  and  fingers  burst  from  the 
tightness  of  the  cords.  Whilst  he  was  alive,  worms  were  generated  in  his 
wounds,  and  eat  into  and  crawled  over  his  body."  (Evidence  of  Jowalla 
Sing,  Duffadar,  ist  Troop,  Fane's  Horse.) 


lOO 


China  and  the  Powers 


Emperor,  to  the  effect  that  Tsai  and  Muh-yin 
having  failed  to  conduct  negotiations  satisfactorily, 
the  Emperor  had  appointed  him  Imperial  Commis- 
sioner in  place  of  the  former  Commissioners. 

A  brief  extract  from  a  letter  addressed  by  Lord 
Elgin  to  Prince  Kung  will  give  the  reader  some 
idea  of  the  condition  of  affairs  at  Peking  immedi- 
ately prior  to  the  final  surrender  on  Oct.  19,  i860: 

"  The  Undersigned  has  further  to  inform  his 
Serene  Highness  that  the  letter  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  stating  the  terms  on  which  the  city  of 
Peking  would  be  spared,  was  written  before  he 
knew  the  treatment  to  which  the  British  and 
French  subjects,  seized,  in  violation  of  a  flag  of 
truce,  on  the  i8th  ultimo,  had  been  subjected,  and 
when  all  the  evidence  which  he  possessed  on  this 
point  was  contained  in  the  despatch  of  the  Prince 
to  the  Undersigned,  in  which  despatch  the  Prince 
repeatedly  averred  that  the  prisoners  in  question 
had  suffered  no  mortal  injury,  were  comfortably 
lodged,  and  treated  with  all  proper  attention.' 

"  Information  since  received  establishes  the  fact 
that  at  the  time  these  words  were  written  several 
subjects  of  Her  Britannic  Majesty,  not  taken  in 
fight,  but  seized  and  bound  while  relying  on  the 
security  that  should  have  been  afforded  them  by 
a  flag  of  truce,  and  offering  no  resistance,  had 
already  died  from  the  effects  of  the  barbarous 
cruelty  to  which    they  and    their  companions  had 

'  Compare  with  the  information  sent  out  in  regard  to  the  besieged 
legations  in  July  and  August,  1899. 


England  and   China        loi 

been  subjected  as  prisoners.  This  flagrant  mis- 
representation of  the  facts  of  the  case,  for  which 
the  Prince  is  himself  responsible,  would  fully  jus- 
tify the  Commander-in-chief  in  setting  at  nought 
the  conditions  under  which  the  gate  of  the  city 
was  surrendered  into  his  hands ;  but  he  is  still 
desirous  to  spare,  if  possible,  the  lives  of  the  com- 
mon people. 

"  The  Undersigned  begs  to  remind  His  Serene 
Highness  that,  in  the  first  communication  which 
he  had  the  honour  to  address  to  him,  he  informed 
him  that  suspension  of  hostilities  and  negotiation 
of  peace  would  be  impossible  until  the  officers  and 
subjects  of  Her  Britannic  Majesty,  still  missing, 
had  returned.  To  that  declaration  he  has  con- 
stantly adhered. 

"  How  has  this  condition,  which  the  Under- 
signed has  throughout  declared  to  be  indispensable 
to  the  resumption  of  negotiations  for  the  establish- 
ment of  peace,  been  fulfilled  by  Prince  Kung  and 
the  government  which  he  represents  ? 

"Of  the  total  number  of  twenty-six  British  sub- 
jects, seized  in  defiance  of  honour  and  of  the  laws 
of  nations,  thirteen  only  have  been  restored  alive, 
all  of  whom  carry  on  their  persons  evidence,  more 
or  less  distinctly  marked,  of  the  indignities  and  ill- 
treatment  from  which  they  have  suffered,  and  thir- 
teen have  been  barbarously  murdered,  under  cir- 
cumstances on  which  the  Undersigned  will  not 
dwell,  lest  his  indignation  should  find  vent  in  words 
which  are  not  suitable  to  a  communication  of  this 
nature. 


I02      China  and  the   Powers 

"  Until  this  foul  deed  shall  have  been  expiated, 
peace  between  Great  Britain  and  the  existing  Dy- 
nasty of  China  is  impossible. 

"  The  following,  therefore,  are  the  conditions  the 
immediate  acceptance  of  which  will  alone  avert  Jrom 
it  the  doom  impending  on  it:  — 

"  What  remains  of  the  Palace  of  Yuen-ming- 
yuen,'  which  appears  to  be  the  place  at  which  sev- 
eral of  the  British  captives  were  subjected  to  the 
grossest  indignities,  will  be  immediately  levelled 
with  the  ground.  This  condition  requires  no  assent 
on  the  part  of  His  Highness,  because  it  will  be  at 
once  carried  into  effect  by  the  Commander-in-chief. 

"  A  sum  of  300,000  taels  must  be  paid  down  at 
once  to  the  officers  appointed  by  the  Undersigned 
to  receive  it,  which  sum  will  be  appropriated  at  the 
discretion  of  Her  Majesty's  government  to  those 
who  have  suffered,  and  to  the  families  of  the  mur- 
dered men. 

"The  immediate  signature  of  the  Convention' 
drawn  up  at  Tientsin.  .  . . 

"Elgin  and  Kincardine."' 

In  face  of  the  determined  attitude  of  the  British 
and  French  envoys,  Prince  Kung  finally  yielded 
on  all  points. 

On  Oct.  24,  i860,  in  the  Hall  of  Ceremonies 
at  Peking,  a  Convention  between  Her  Majesty  and 

*  The  palace  had  already  been  partially  destroyed  by  the  allied  forces. 

*  Sessional  Papers,  1861,  vol.  66,  No.  2754,  pp.  153,  155. 
^  Ibid.,  pp.  216,  218. 


England  and   China        103 

the  Emperor  of  China '  was  signed ;  and  the  ratifica- 
tions of  the  treaty  of  Tientsin,  1858,  were  ex- 
changed. Thus  ended  Lord  Elgin's  second  em- 
bassy to  China.* 

From  i860  up  to  the  end  of  the  Chino-Japanese 
War,  in  1895,  Chinese  foreign  relations  passed 
through  a  transitional  period,  marked  at  the  begin- 
ning and  at  the  end  by  an  attitude  of  fearlessness, 
almost  of  contempt,  on  the  part  of  the  European 
Powers,  but  with  a  strong  and  increasing  note  of 
apprehension  in  the  middle,  which  ran  up  in  vig- 
orous crescendo  to  its  highest  point  at  the  declara- 
tion of  hostilities  between  China  and  Japan,  and 
broke  off  abruptly  when  the  issue  of  the  conflict 
was  known. 

During  this  period  Anglo-Chinese  relations,  in 
so  far  as  they  were  strictly  such  and  not  Anglo- 
Russo  -  Franco  -  Chinese  relations,  were  compara- 
tively satisfactory,  the  Yang  Chow  outrage  and 
the  murder  of    Mr.  Augustus   Margary  being  the 

^  Sessional  Papers,  i86i,  vol.  69,  No.  2755,  pp.  20-22. 

*For  English  accounts  of  Lord  Elgin's  second  embassy  and  of  the 
war  of  i860,  consult:  The  Life  of  Sir  Harry  Parkes,  vol.  i.,  by  Stanley 
Lane-Poole,  London,  1894  ;  Personal  /Narrative  of  Occurrences  duritig 
Lord  Elgin's  Second  Embassy  to  China,  i860,  by  Henry  Brougham  Loch, 
London,  1870;  Narrative  of  the  North  China  Campaign  of  i860,  by  Rob- 
ert Swinhoe,  London,  1861  ;  Narrative  of  the  War  with  China  in  i860, 
by  Lord  Wolseley,  London,  1862  ;  Personal  Narrative  of  Service  in  China, 
by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Fisher,  London,  1863  ;  Sessional  Papers,  i860,  vol.  69, 
Nos.  2695,  2618,  2587,  2606,  2641,  2677,  2685,  and  2714;  Sessional  Papers, 

1861,  vol.  66,  Nos.  2754,  2755,  2777,  2832,  and   2840;   Sessional  Papers, 

1862,  vol.  63,  No.  2919.  The  French  accounts  of  the  war  and  of  the 
mission  of  Baron  Gros  are  referred  to  in  the  chapter  on  "  France  and 
China." 


I04     China  and  the   Powers 

only  occurrences  worthy  of  note  which  marred  the 
intercourse  between  the  two  countries. 

The  former  affair,  which  took  place  in  August, 
1868,  was  merely  one  of  the  periodical  attacks  on 
missionaries ;  and,  after  a  good  deal  of  correspond- 
ence '  compensation  was  secured  for  the  loss  of 
property  and  for  a  few  slight  personal  injuries. 

The  Margary  murder  was  of  a  more  serious 
nature,  and  merits  some  notice. 

Yunnan,  one  of  the  western  provinces  of  China, 
has  a  boundary  with  British  Burmah ;  and  an  excel- 
lent opportunity  for  trade  thus  exists  in  that  region. 
In  1868  a  mission  under  Major  Sladen  crossed  the 
Burmese  frontier,  and  reached  Momien,  the  capital 
of  Yunnan.  The  object  of  the  mission  was  to  ex- 
amine the  possibilities  of  opening  up  a  trade  route 
and,  incidentally,  to  make  a  political  reconnaisance. 
At  the  time,  however,  Yunnan  was  in  a  very  disturbed 
condition,  as  a  Mohammedan  faction  had  taken  up 
arms  against  the  Chinese  authorities,  and  vigorous 
fighting  was  going  on.  In  consequence.  Major 
Sladen  could  get  no  further  than  Momien. 

In  1874  the  revolt  was  terminated  by  the  com- 
plete overthrow  of  the  rebels,  and  Chinese  authority 
was  more  firmly  established  than  ever.  The  Indian 
government  at  once  decided  to  send  another  mis- 
sion, and  Colonel  Horace  Browne  was  selected  to 
undertake  the  journey.  In  order  to  make  the  work 
more  complete,  it  was  arranged  that  Mr.  Augustus 
Raymond   Margary,  an  attache  of  the   British  em- 

'  British  Sessional  Papers,  1868-69,  Nos.  4097-i.,  4097-ix. 


En^rland  and   China        io= 


25 


bassy  in  China,  an  accomplished  Chinese  scholar, 
should  leave  Shanghai  and  cross  China  to  meet 
Colonel  Browne's  party  at  Bhamo,  on  the  Irra- 
waddy,  the  whole  mission  then  to  return  to  Shang- 
hai along  the  route  traversed  by  Margary  on  his 
outward  journey. 

Margary  left  Shanghai  on  Aug.  23,  1874,  and 
reached  Bhamo  on  January  17  of  the  following  year. 
Colonel  Browne  had  already  arrived  there ;  and, 
after  a  short  rest,  the  whole  party,  being  provided 
with  proper  passports  from  the  Chinese  government, 
started  out  to  cross  China.  On  reaching  the  Bur- 
mese frontier  at  Nampoung,  news  was  received  that 
the  Kakhyen  tribe  intended  to  dispute  the  passage 
of  the  mission.  Margary  offered  to  go  on  in  front 
and  investigate;  and  this  he  did  on  Feb.  19,  1875. 
He  was  attended  only  by  a  Chinese  secretary  and 
by  his  body  servants.  Two  days  later  he  was  mur- 
dered, together  with  his  attendants,  by  a  body 
of  Chinese  under  command  of  one  Shouk-goon, 
nephew  of  a  high  official  named  Li  -  hsieh  -  t'ai. 

Colonel  Browne  and  his  party  were  also  attacked, 
but  they  succeeded  in  fighting  their  way  back  into 
Burmah. 

This  outrage  became  the  subject  of  a  prolonged 
discussion  between  the  British  minister  and  the 
Tsungli  Yamen,  which  was  terminated  only  after 
Sir  Thomas  Wade  had  quitted  Peking  and  the 
British  fleet  had  entered  the  Gulf  of  Pe-chi-li,  by  the 
Convention  of  Chifu,  signed  by  Sir  Thomas  Wade 
and  by  Li  Hung  Chang,  on  Sept.  13,  1876,  securing 


io6      China  and  the   Powers 

an  indemnity  of  200,000  taels  to  England  and  an 
apology  in  the  form  of  an  Imperial  letter.' 

From  1876  up  to  the  present  time  it  is  more  con- 
venient to  discuss  Anglo-Chinese  relations  as  part 
of  the  general  Chinese  question ;  and  this  is  done 
in  the  final  chapter  on  "  The  Conflicting  Interests 
and  Ambitions  of  the  Great  Powers  in  China." 

Before  passing  to  a  consideration  of  Russo  - 
Chinese  relations,  a  few  words  may  be  said  about 
the  Chinese  in  the  British  colonies. 

According  to  circumstances,  the  Chinaman  has 
been  viewed  as  a  curse  or  as  a  blessing  in  the 
British  colonies.  In  British  Guiana,  in  the  Straits 
Settlements,  and  in  other  tropical  colonies  where 
the  Chinaman  has  penetrated  as  a  labourer,  he  has 
been  welcomed  as,  on  the  whole,  a  desirable  addi- 
tion to  the  population.  In  these  countries  his 
industry  and  thrift  have  made  him  conspicuous  in 
a  population  generally  idle  and  untrustworthy. 

But  in  the  British  non- tropical  colonies  the 
Chinaman  has  met  with  a  reception  similar  to  that 
accorded  him  in  the  United  States.  The  same 
arguments  for  his  exclusion  have  been  applied  in 
Australia  and  in  Canada  as  were  applied  in  Cali- 
fornia,^ and  the  results  have  been  the  same. 

'  For  the  Margary  case  see  :  — 

A  Narrative  of  the  Two  Expeditions  to  Western  China  in  1868  and  1875. 
London,  1876.     By  John  Anderson,  M.D. 

The  Journey  of  Augustus  Raymond  Margary  from  Shanghai  to  Bhamo, 
and  back  to  Manwyne.     London,  1876. 

British  Sessional  Papers,  1876,  vol.  82,  Nos.  C.  1422  and  C.  1605;  1877, 
vol.  88,  No.  C.  1832. 

'  See  supra,  p.  58. 


England  and   China        107 

In  Victoria,  New  South  Wales,  Queensland, 
South  Australia,  Western  Australia,  New  Zealand, 
and  Canada,  laws  have  been  passed  from  time  to 
time,  restricting  the  immigration  of  Chinese.  In 
Australia  the  anti-Chinese  feeling  was  quite  as  vio- 
lent as  in  California. 

In  1887  a  Chinese  commission  visited  the  Aus- 
tralian colonies,  to  inquire  into  the  condition  of 
Chinese  subjects  residing  there.  The  Chinese 
Minister  at  St.  James's  subsequently  called  the 
attention  of  Lord  Salisbury  to  the  fact  that  his 
countrymen  in  Australia  were  the  subjects  of  dis- 
criminating legislation,  and  were  forced  to  pay  a 
poll  tax  of  ^10,  from  which  the  subjects  of  other 
Powers  were  exempt.  This  he  pronounced  to  be 
"  incompatible  with  Her  Majesty's  international 
engagements."  The  Imperial  government,  how- 
ever, found  that  anti-Chinese  feeling  ran  too  high 
in  Australia  to  brook  any  interference.  Lord  Car- 
rington,  then  governor  of  New  South  Wales,  wrote 
to  the  Foreign  Office  that,  "  if  we  have  no  voice  in 
making  treaties,  it  seems  only  just  that  our  interests 
should  be  considered  and  protected  by  those  who 
exercise  that  power."  The  language  of  Sir  Harry 
Parkes,  Premier  of  New  South  Wales,  was  more 
directly  to  the  point.  On  the  occasion  of  a  sub- 
sequent protest  from  the  Chinese  minister  in  Lon- 
don, the  great  Australian  statesman  declared, 
"  neither  for  Her  Majesty's  ships  of  war,  nor  for 
Her  Majesty's  representative  on  the  spot,  nor  for 
her  Majesty's  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies, 
do  we  intend  to  turn  aside  from  our  purpose." 


io8        China  and  the   Powers 

In  the  British  colonies,  as  elsewhere,  the  force  of 
public  opinion  has  been  sufHcient  to  compel  anti- 
Chinese  legislation.' 

'  For  a  discussion  of  the  Chinese  question  in  the  British  colonies,  con- 
sult :  — 

Problems  of  Greater  Britain,  by  Sir  Charles  Dilke. 

"  The  Chinese  in  the  Straits  of  Malacca,"  by  W.  A.  Pickering,  Eraser's 
Magazine,  October,  1876. 

"  Anti-Chinese  Legislation  in  Australasia,"  by  Joseph  Lee,  Quarterly 
Journal  of  Economics,  January,  1889. 

"  Anti-Chinese  Legislation  in  British  America,"  by  Joseph  Lee,  Quar- 
terly Journal  of  Econumics,  April,  1889. 

British  Sessional  Papers,  1888,  vol.  73,  No.  5448.  "Correspondence  re- 
lating to  Chinese  Immigration  into  the  Australian  Colonies,  with  a  Return 
of  Acts  passed  by  the  Legislatures  of  those  Colonies,  and  of  Canada  and 
British  Columbia,  on  the  subject." 

1892,  vol.  36,  Part  5,  No.  6795  ^i-  "  Report  of  the  Royal  Commission 
on  Labour."  Foreign  Reports,  vol.  2.  "The  Colonies  and  the  Indian 
Empire." 


Chapter  V. 
RUSSIA   AND   CHINA. 

The  story  of  Russian  intercourse  with  China  is 
of  much  greater  interest  than  the  Anglo-Chinese 
narrative,  and  is  more  easily  told.  In  dealing  with 
England,  we  found  little  that  could  chain  the  atten- 
tion. Although  the  wars  of  1840,  1857,  and  1859 
represented  material  capable  of  effective  treatment 
as  wars,  they  afforded  little  scope  either  in  regard 
to  their  origin  or  their  results,  when  viewed  from 
the  standpoint  of  international  policy. 

As  far  as  the  European  Powers  were  concerned, 
these  three  wars  were  in  no  sense  part  of  a  definite 
policy. 

The  "  Opium  "  War,  the  "  Arrow  "  War,  and  the 
"  Ratification  "  War  were  merely  isolated  appeals  to 
force,  as  a  solution  of  specific  problems,  and,  as 
such,  give  us  no  indication  of  any  Chinese  policy, 
real  or  conjectural,  on  the  part  of  the  British  govern- 
ment. 

It  is  this  absence  of  definite,  or  at  least  of  ulterior 
aim  which  distinguishes  the  Chinese  policy  of 
England  from  that  of  Russia;  for  in  regard  to 
Russia  we  have  a  clear  and  declared  Asiatic  policy, 
which,  during  nearly  three  centuries,  has  remained 
fixed  and  constant,  despite  many  temporary  checks 
in  the  direct  line  and  some  absorbing  diversions  in 
the  lesser  field  of  Russia's  European  ambitions. 

The  immediate  ambitions  of  Russia  in  regard  to 
China  will  be  discussed    in  a   later   chapter.     My 


no 


China  and  the  Powers 


present  purpose  is  merely  to  give  a  brief  outline  of 
Russo-Chinese  intercourse  up  to  within  recent 
years.  This  subject  cannot  be  efficiently  presented 
without  some  reference  to  the  general  course  of 
Russian  expansion  in  Asia. 

As  far  as  the  general  foreign  intercourse  of 
Russia  is  concerned,  the  main  factor  has  always 
been  her  lack  of  good  sea-ports.  Around  this  single 
circumstance  have  centred  the  most  notable  events 
of  her  modern  history.  The  whole  course  of  Euro- 
pean affairs  has  been  moulded  by  the  fact  that 
Riga  and  Archangel  are  ice-bound  for  several 
months  each  year;  and  the  similar  condition  of 
Vladivostok  is  one  of  the  controlling  factors  in 
Asiatic  politics. 

Russo-Turkish  relations  represent  the  outcome 
of  Russia's  desire  to  have  a  satisfactory  port  in 
Europe.  Russo-Chinese  relations  reflect  Russia's 
mind  in  the  matter  of  an  ice-free  port  in  the 
Pacific. 

The  first  trans-Ural  venture  of  Russia  was  under- 
taken in  1579,  when  Gregory  Strogonof  and  Yer- 
mak  Timofevitch,  under  the  authority  of  Ivan  the 
Terrible,  penetrated  into  the  country  watered  by 
the  Tobol  and  the  Irtish,  and  defeated  Kutchum 
Khan,  the  most  important  nomad  chief  in  that  dis- 
trict. 

In  a  very  few  years  the  Russians  succeeded  in 
flinging  a  line  of  military  posts  right  across  country 
to  the  Pacific.  Tobolsk  was  founded  in  1587, 
Tomsk  in  1604,  Yakutsk  in  1637,  and  Okhotsk,  on 


Russia  and  China 


III 


the  Pacific,  in  1638.  It  was  but  a  few  years  after 
the  founding  of  Okhotsk  that  the  Russian  encroach- 
ments on  China  began.  Peter  Petrovitch,  the  first 
governor  of  Yakutsk,  having  heard  rumours  of  the 
excellent  lands  along  the  banks  of  the  Amur,  sent 
an  expedition  in  1643,  under  command  of  one 
Poyarkoff,  to  explore  the  river.  After  three  years' 
absence,  Poyarkoff  returned  to  Yakutsk,  having 
succeeded  in  tracing  the  Amur  to  its  mouth. 

The  next  expedition  into  the  Amur  districts  was 
undertaken  in  1649  by  a  young  Russian  officer  of 
means,  named  Khabaroff.  While  going  down  the 
river  in  barges  Khabaroff's  party  encountered  a 
body  of  Manchu  cavalry  occupied  in  collecting  the 
annual  tribute  for  transmission  to  Peking.  This 
occurred  in  1650,  and  was  the  first  direct  contact 
of  Russian  and  Chinese  forces. 

Khabaroff's  party  soon  ran  short  of  provisions ; 
and  it  became  necessary  to  construct  a  fort,  and 
then  despatch  a  strong  foraging  party  down  the 
river.  This  was  done ;  but  the  natives  took  advan- 
tage of  the  situation,  and,  with  the  assistance  of  the 
Tartar  general,  Izinei,  attacked  the  fort,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  driving  Khabaroff  up  stream  again. 

By  this  time  news  had  reached  Russia  of  the 
doings  in  Eastern  Siberia,  and  Tsar  Alexis  decided 
to  occupy  the  Amur  territory.  Accordingly,  he 
appointed  Prince  Ivan  Rostovski  to  the  command 
of  an  expedition,  the  advance-guard  of  which,  under 
Dimitri  Simoviof,  reached  the  Amur  in  1653. 
Khabaroff  was  found  at  the  mouth  of  the  Dzeya ; 


112 


China  and   the   Powers 


and  he,  together  with  Simoviof,  started  at  once  for 
Moscow,  in  order  to  report  to  the  Tsar,  the  com- 
mand of  the  small  Russian  force  devolving  on 
Onufrei  Stepanof. 

By  the  time  Khabaroff  and  his  companion  arrived 
in  Moscow,  the  Tsar's  plans  had  changed,  and  the 
Rostovski  expedition  was  given  up.  Stepanof,  left 
to  himself,  proceeded  to  annex  all  the  territory  he 
could  reach,  and  whilst  thus  engaged  was  killed, 
with  most  of  his  men,  in  1658. 

For  eleven  years  the  Amur  territory  was  free 
from  Russian  intrusion.  In  1669,  however,  one 
Tchernigovsky,  a  Siberian  convict,  collected  a  small 
band  of  his  fellow-prisoners  and  made  a  successful 
dash  for  liberty.  The  little  party,  much  reduced 
by  disease,  famine,  and  conflict,  finally  reached  the 
Amur,  and  founded  the  town  of  Albazin. 

Tchernigovsky  was  a  shrewd  fellow,  and  realised 
that  in  the  promotion  of  Russian  interests  on  the 
Amur  lay  his  best  hope  of  pardon  for  past  offences. 
Accordingly,  he  set  about  collecting  tribute  from 
the  natives  around  Albazin,  and  forwarded  the  rev- 
enue periodically  to  Nerchinsk.  The  results  justified 
his  hopes,  for  the  governor  of  Nerchinsk  formally 
recognised  the  settlement  of  Albazin  in  1671  ;  and 
the  Tsar  Alexis,  on  learning  the  facts,  sent  a  pardon 
to  Tchernigovsky,  together  with  a  present  of  2,000 
roubles. 

As  time  passed,  the  affairs  of  Eastern  Siberia 
gradually  came  to  fill  a  very  important  place  in  the 
minds    of    Russian    expansionists;     and    in    1675 


Russia  and   China  113 

Nikolas  Spafarik  was  sent  from  Moscow  to  Peking 
in  order  to  learn  the  views  of  the  Chinese  authori- 
ties in  regard  to  frontier  affairs.  He  received  the 
next  best  thing  to  positively  favourable  assurances ; 
that  is,  positively  unfavourable  assurances.  The 
Amur  districts  were  to  be  considered  Chinese,  and 
all  rights  of  navigation  of  the  Amur  and  of  the  other 
great  rivers  in  that  region  were  to  be  reserved  to 
Chinese  subjects. 

During  the  fourteen  years  which  elapsed  between 
Spafarik's  mission  and  the  signing  of  the  treaty  of 
Nerchinsk,  a  good  deal  of  fighting  occurred  on  the 
Amur.  In  1685  an  army  of  18,000  Chinese  attacked 
Albazin,  and  compelled  the  Russians  to  retire  on 
Nerchinsk.  The  town  was  recaptured  by  the  Rus- 
sian general,  Tolbusin,  in  the  following  year,  and  a 
few  months  later  was  on  the  point  of  being  again 
taken  by  the  Chinese,  when  news  reached  the  dis- 
trict that  the  Russian  and  Chinese  governments 
were  negotiating  the  whole  question  of  the  boun- 
dary, whereupon  hostilities  ceased. 

In  1685  the  Tsar  Alexis  despatched  two  envoys, 
Nikifor  Venukof  and  Ivan  Fafarof,  to  Peking  to 
announce  the  approaching  departure  from  Moscow 
of  an  envoy  extraordinary,  charged  with  the  task  of 
concluding  a  treaty  with  China  in  regard  to  the 
Siberian  frontier. 

This  envoy  extraordinary  was  Prince  Fedor  Alex- 
ievitch  Golovin,  a  man  of  indifferent  abilities,  and 
totally  unfitted  for  his  task.  He  left  Moscow  in 
January,  1686,  and,  after  disregarding  his  instruc- 


114     China  and  the   Powers 

tions  in  several  particulars  and  wasting  a  great  deal 
of  time  on  the  way,'  arrived  at  Nerchinsk  in  August, 
1689. 

Here  he  found  himself  in  the  presence  of  an  over- 
powering army  of  Chinese,  nominally  the  escort  of 
the  Chinese  commissioners,  Sofanlanya  and  Kiw 
Kijew,  but  in  reality  an  army  prepared  to  carry  out 
the  instructions  issued  by  the  Emperor  Kanghi,  to 
the  effect  that  the  commissioners  were  "...  in 
case  of  necessity,  to  corroborate  their  demands  with 
arms." 

It  is  curious  to  note  that  the  negotiations  preced- 
ing the  treaty  of  Nerchinsk  were  conducted  in 
Latin,  the  Chinese  commissioners  availing  them- 
selves of  the  services  of  two  Jesuit  priests,  Gerbillon 
and  Pereira,  who  had  been  long  resident  in  Peking. 

The  conditions  under  which  the  treaty  of  Ner- 
chinsk was  signed  precluded  the  possibility  of 
Russia  securing  any  favourable  consideration  of  her 
claims  in  the  Amur  district;  and  Golovin  had  to 
put  up  with  the  best  terms  he  could  get,  for  in  the 
presence  of  a  formidable  Chinese  army  a  resort  to 
force  was  impossible. 

The  treaty  of  Nerchinsk,  the  first  treaty  between 
China  and  a  Western  power,  was  signed  on  Aug. 
27,  1689.  By  its  terms  the  boundaries  between 
Siberia  and  the  Chinese  Empire  were  fixed,  Russia 
agreed  that  the  fort  at  Albazin  should  be  demol- 
ished, and  that  all  Russians  living  in  the  village 
should  withdraw  to  Russian  territory,  and  "every- 

'  Vladimir,  Russia  on  the  Pacific,  pp.  160-165. 


Russia  and   China  115 

thing  which  has  occurred  hitherto  is  to  be  buried 
in  eternal  obHvion."' 

From  1689  to  1847,  the  year  in  which  Count 
Nikolas  Muravieff  was  appointed  governor-gen- 
eral of  Eastern  Siberia,  Russia  abstained  from 
aggressive  action  on  the  Amur.  Her  policy  of 
Eastward  expansion  was  by  no  means  checked,  but 
found  its  sphere  of  activity  in  Central  Asia,  where 
the  subjugation  of  the  Khanates  and  of  Turko- 
mania,  and  the  wars  with  Persia,  occupied  the 
attention  of  Russian  statesmen  until  the  Tsar 
Nikolas  made  the  Muravieff  appointment. 

For  five  years  Muravieff  was  handicapped  by  the 
hostility  of  Count  Nesselrode,  the  Russian  foreign 
minister,  who  was  opposed  to  any  expansion  in  the 
Far  East.  But  in  1851  the  Tsar  interposed  his 
authority,  and  gave  his  full  support  to  the  young 
governor-general.  With  Nesselrode  out  of  the  way, 
Muravieff  proceeded  to  carry  out  his  carefully  laid 
plans;  and,  by  working  in  concert  with  Captain 
Nevelskoy,  who  was  in  command  of  a  small  Russian 
naval  force  in  the  Sea  of  Okhotsk,  much  progress 
was  made.  Nevelskoy  founded  the  town  of  Niko- 
laiefsk  on  the  Amur  in  1850,  and  the  next  few  years 
witnessed  the  establishment  of  Russian  posts  at  De 
Castries  Bay,  on  Lake  Kizi,  at  Alexandrofsk,  and 
at  Mariinsk, —  all  places  situated  in  territory  ac- 
knowledging the  authority  of  the  Emperor  of  China. 

From  the  day  of  his  appointment  Muravieff  had 

'An  English  version  of  the  treaty  is  to  be  found  on  pp.  330,  331,  of 
Alexis  Krausse's  Russia  in  Asia.  The  Latin  version  is  to  be  found  on  pp. 
343>  344>  345>  of  Vladimir's  Russia  on  the  Pacific. 


ii6      China  and  the   Powers 

no  doubt  kept  the  ultimate  absorption  of  the  Amur 
districts  clearly  in  view ;  but  a  suitable  opportunity 
of  final  action  had  not  followed  any  of  the  tenta- 
tive measures  adopted  by  him.  It  may  therefore 
be  presumed  that,  when  the  outbreak  of  the  Cri- 
mean War  prevented  the  departure  from  the  Black 
Sea  of  the  victualling  fleet  for  Kamchatka,  it  Vv-as 
with  feelings  of  satisfaction  that  Muravieff  found 
himself  compelled  to  despatch  supplies  down  the 
Amur.  The  supply  train  was  a  sufficient  excuse 
for  an  armed  escort,  and  the  affair  really  took  on 
the  aspect  of  a  reconnaissance  in  force. 

The  expedition  started  from  Shilinsk  on  May  14, 
1854,  with  Muravieff  himself  in  command.  The 
escort  consisted  of  a  line  battalion  about  800  strong, 
a  sotnia  of  Cossacks,  and  some  mountain  artillery. 
The  baggage  and  stores  were  carried  in  seventy- 
five  barges ;  and  the  steamer  Argu7t,vjh.\ch.  Muravieff 
had  had  built  for  the  expedition,  completed  the 
flotilla. 

After  a  week's  journey  the  party  reached  the 
point  where  the  old  fortress  of  Albazin  had  stood. 
The  occasion  was  a  solemn  one ;  and  Muravieff 
with  his  officers  landed  and  knelt  in  prayer  on  the 
spot  where  the  Russian  pioneers  had  lived  two 
centuries  before,  while  the  band  played  hymns  and 
the  soldiers  stood  by  with  uncovered  heads. 

We  are,  as  a  rule,  very  intolerant  of  the  patriotism 
or  national  spirit  of  other  nations,  and  thus  we  can 
easily  misapprehend  and  underestimate  the  impor- 
tance of  Muravieff' s  dramatic  appeal  at  Albazin ;  but 


Russia  and   China  117 

it  was  in  fact  the  psychological  moment  which 
marked  the  beginning  of  a  new  crusade. 

From  this  point  on  fortune  favoured  Muravieff. 
The  hostilities  incident  to  the  Crimean  War  spread 
to  the  Pacific,  and  the  allied  squadron  of  France  and 
England  attacked  the  Russian  forts  at  Petropav- 
lofsk.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  re-enforcements 
which  had  been  despatched  from  Eastern  Siberia  by 
way  of  the  Amur,  Petropavlofsk  would  probably 
have  fallen.  As  it  was,  the  allies  were  repulsed  with 
heavy  loss ;  and  the  Russian  people  turned  impa- 
tiently from  the  disasters  of  the  Black  Sea  to  the 
triumphs  on  the  Pacific. 

Muravieff's  Amur  plans  had  been  considered 
visionary  even  by  his  own  friends  in  St.  Petersburg ; 
but  the  news  of  the  defence  of  Petropavlofsk  soon 
convinced  every  one  that  the  control  of  the  Amur 
was  an  essential  feature  of  Russia's  foreign  policy. 

Events  now  moved  swiftly.  The  Russian  gov- 
ernment, informed  of  the  preparations  which  were 
going  on  in  England  and  France  for  a  Chinese 
expedition,*  sent  out  Admiral  Count  Putiatin  as 
minister  to  Peking  late  in  1856.  Count  Putiatin 
made  the  journey  overland,  and  at  Irkutsk  met 
Muravieff,  with  whom  he  had  a  prolonged  inter- 
view in  which  the  question  of  Russian  policy  in  the 
Far  East  was  exhaustively  discussed.  The  two  men 
found  that  they  understood  one  another  very  well, 
and  each  went  about  his  own  branch  of  the  work 
in  hand. 

*  The  preparations  incident  to  the  "  Arrow  "  War  of  1856,  in  which  the 
French  and  English  fought  as  allies  against  China. 


ii8      China  and  the   Powers 

The  fruits  of  their  efforts  are  represented  by  the 
Convention  of  Aigun,  signed  on  May  i6,  1S58,  by 
Muravieff,  and  by  the  treaty  of  Tientsin,  signed  on 
June  I,  1858,  by  Putiatin.  By  the  former  Russia 
secured  the  recognition  by  China  of  the  Russian 
ownership  of  the  whole  of  the  left  bank  of  the  Amur, 
from  its  source  to  the  Usuri,  and  of  both  banks  from 
the  Usuri  to  the  sea.  A  few  days  after  the  signing 
of  the  Convention  a  solemn  service  was  held,  and  the 
troops  were  paraded.  On  this  occasion  Muravieff 
said :  "  Comrades,  I  congratulate  you  !  We  have  not 
laboured  in  vain:  the  Amur  now  belongs  to  Rus- 
sia! The  prayers  of  the  Holy  Orthodox  Church 
and  the  thanks  of  Russia  are  for  you !  Long  life 
to  Emperor  Alexander  II.,  and  may  the  newly 
acquired  country  flourish  under  his  protection! 
Hurrah  !  " '  For  his  services  on  the  Amur,  Muravieff 
received  the  title  Count  Amurski. 

Count  Putiatin,  on  his  part,  succeeded  in  nego- 
tiating a  treaty  of  commerce  at  Tientsin  on  June 
13,  1858;^  but  both  these  diplomatic  feats  were 
eclipsed  by  General  Ignatieff,  who  extracted  from 
China  the  Treaty  of  Peking,  signed  on  July  20,  i860. 

As  this  treaty  is  the  very  foundation-stone  of 
Russia's  position  in  regard  to  China,  a  few  words 
may  be  said  of  the  manner  in  which  it  was  con- 
cluded. 

At  the  time  when  the  treaty  of  Aigun  was  signed 

« The  Convention  of  Aigun  is  to  be  found  on  pp.  346,  347,  of  Vladimir's 
Russia  on  the  Pacific. 

^The  Russian  treaty  of  Tientsin  is  to  be  found  on  pp.  387-391,  vol.  10, 
of  U.S.  Senate  Exec.  Docs.,  36th  Cong.,  ist  Sess.  (1859-1860). 


Russia  and   China  119 

(1858)  China  was  engaged  in  hostilities  with  Eng- 
land and  France,  and  was  thus  in  no  position  to 
thwart  the  Russian  plans.  In  1859,  however,  as  we 
have  already  seen,'  the  Chinese  had  succeeded  in 
driving  the  Ambassadors  of  England  and  France 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Peiho,  whither  they  had 
repaired  in  the  expectation  of  securing  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  treaties  of  1858.  Under  the  influence 
of  this  momentary  triumph  the  Chinese  authorities 
began  to  repent  of  their  concessions  to  Russia,  and 
everything  possible  was  done  to  make  things  dis- 
agreeable for  the  Russian  colonists  on  the  Amur. 

This  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  frontier  mandarin 
soon  set  in  motion  an  avalanche  of  protests  to  the 
Russian  government  from  Russian  subjects  on  the 
Amur;  and,  as  the  time  seemed  propitious,  General 
Ignatieff  was  despatched  as  special  Envoy  to 
Peking,  charged  with  the  task  of  securing  a  full 
recognition  of  Russian  claims  on  the  Amur. 

The  time  and  the  man  were  well  chosen ;  and  the 
Russian  treaty  of  Peking  will  always  remain  a  mon- 
ument to  the  success  of  continuity  of  policy,  backed 
by  discreet  patience  and  adequate  force. 

The  Russian  treaty  of  Peking^  marks  the  end  of 
the  first  stage  of  Russian  encroachments  on  China. 
By  the  first  article,  Russia  secured  the  cession  of 
the  whole  of  the  left  bank  of  the  Amur  and  all  the 
country  to  the  east  of  the  river  Usuri,  a  tributary 

I  See  pp.  95,  96. 

*  The  Russian  treaty  of  Peking  is  to  be  found  on  pp.  348-359  of  Vlad- 
imir's Russia  on  the  Pacific. 


I20     China  and  the  Powers 

of  the  Amur,  thus  entirely  shutting  off  Manchuria 
on  the  north  and  east.  By  the  second  article 
Russia  established  her  foothold  in  the  Far  West 
of  the  Chinese  Empire  by  securing  recognition  of 
her  territorial  acquisitions  in  the  region  of  lakes 
Balkash  and  Issik  Kul. 

With  the  long-sought  Amur  territories  incorpo- 
rated finally  in  the  Russian  Empire  under  the  name 
of  the  Amur  Province,  and  with  the  trans-Usuri  dis- 
trict re-christened  the  Primorskaya,  Russian  states- 
men were  free  to  turn  their  attention  to  pushing 
the  interests  of  their  country  on  the  western  boun- 
dary of  China,  leaving  to  Muravieff  and  his  lieuten- 
ants the  task  of  foundinor  Russian  settlements  and 

o 

building  Russian  forts  in  the  territory  secured  on 
the  eastern  border. 

The  Russian  advance  in  Chinese  Turkestan  be- 
longs to  an  entirely  different  phase  of  Russian  for- 
eign policy  from  the  advance  in  the  Amur  districts. 
In  the  latter  we  see  the  desire  for  a  good  port  on 
the  Pacific  as  the  underlying  motive.  The  former 
represents  merely  a  small  and  not  entirely  success- 
ful unit  in  the  great  scheme  of  Russian  control  of 
Central  Asia,  with  the  corollary  of  a  port  on  the 
Persian  Gulf.  The  former  ambition  has  been  par- 
tially realised  by  the  founding  of  Vladivostok,  which 
is  free  of  ice  for  ten  months  in  the  year.  The 
larger  plan  is  still  in  process  of  achievement.  Some 
idea  of  the  steady  aim  and  unswerving  purpose  of 
Russia  in  her  Central  Asian  policy  may  be  gathered 
from  a  consideration  of  the  following  facts.    In  1703 


Russia  and  China 


121 


the  Khan  of  Khiva,  acting  under  the  fear  of  reprisals 
for  attacks  on  the  Ural  Cossacks,  declared  himself 
a  Russian  subject.  In  171 7  Prince  Bekovitch- 
Tcherkaski,  of  the  Imperial  Russian  body-guard, 
was  sent  by  Tsar  Peter  the  Great  to  make  a  recon- 
naissance of  the  country.  On  Jan.  8,  1873,  Count 
Schouvaloff,  special  Envoy  of  Russia,  informed  Earl 
Granville,  Her  Majesty's  Principal  Secretary  of 
State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  that  the  object  of  the 
Khivan  expedition,  about  to  be  sent  at  that  time 
from  Russia,  "  was  to  punish  acts  of  brigandage,  to 
recover  fifty  Russian  prisoners,  and  to  teach  the 
Khan  that  such  conduct  on  his  part  could  not  be 
continued  with  the  impunity  in  which  the  modera- 
tion of  Russia  had  led  him  to  believe.  Not  only 
was  it  far  from  the  intention  of  the  Emperor  to  take 
possession  of  Khiva,  but  positive  orders  had  been 
prepared  to  prevent  it,  and  directions  given  that 
the  conditions  imposed  should  be  such  as  could 
not  in  any  way  lead  to  a  prolonged  occupancy  of 
Khiva." ' 

On  Aug.  24,  1873,  the  very  year  of  the  above 
assurances,  after  successful  military  operations,  the 
Russian  General,  Kaufmann,  concluded  the  treaty 
of  Khiva,  the  third  article  of  which  runs :  — 

"  The  whole  of  the  right  bank  of  the  Amu  Daria, 
and  the  lands  adjoining  thereunto,  which  have 
hitherto  been  considered  as  belonging  to  Khiva, 
shall  pass  over  from  the  Khan  into  the  possession 

^British  Sessional  Papers,  1873,  vol.  75,  C.  699.  "Correspondence 
with  Russia  respecting  Central  Asia,"  pp.  12,  13. 


122 


China  and  the   Powers 


of  Russia,  together  with  the  people  dwelling  and 
camping  thereon.  Those  parcels  of  land  which 
are  at  present  the  property  of  the  Khan,  and  of 
which  the  usufruct  has  been  given  by  him  to  Khivan 
Officers  of  State,  become  likewise  the  property  of 
the  Russian  government,  free  of  all  claims  on  the 
part  of  the  previous  owners." ' 

In  addition  to  this  the  Khivans  were  called  on 
to  pay  a  war  indemnity  of  2,200,000  roubles.  So 
much  for  Khiva. 

A  very  similar  story  might  be  told  of  the  Kha- 
nate of  Khokand,  which  was  declared  part  of  the 
Russian  Empire  on  March  2,  1876,  of  Turkestan, 
of  the  Kirghiz  Steppe,  and  of  the  Khanate  of  Bok- 
hara, which,  though  nominally  independent,  are,  in 
fact,  governed  from  St.  Petersburg. 

These  acquisitions,  together  with  the  absorption, 
by  conquest  or  treaty,  of  Georgia  (1801),  Mingrelia 
(1803),  Imeretia  (1804),  Baku  and  Shrivan  (181 3), 
Erivan  (1828),  Samarkand  (1868),  Geok  Tepe  (1881), 
the  Tejend  Oasis  (1883),  and  the  Merv  Oasis 
(1884),  represent  the  physical  expansion  of  Russia 
in  near  Asia. 

The  net  result  is  that  Russia  has  acquired  as  the 
reward  of  her  steady  policy  of  absorption  in  near 
Asia:  — 

A  rea.  Population. 

Caucasus  Territory 180,843  8,350,000 

Kirghiz  Steppe  Territory 755i793  2,000,000 

Turkestan 409,414  3,341,000 

Transcaspia 383,618  352,000 

1,729,668         14,043,000^ 

'Krausse,  Russia  in  Asia,  p.  347.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  5. 


Russia  and   China  123 

The  above  brief  outline  of  Russian  expansion  in 
Central  Asia  was  intended  merely  to  make  more 
intelligible  the  action  of  Russia  in  regard  to  the 
Valley  of  the  Hi  by  showing  that  there  had  been 
a  general  Russian  policy  of  eastward  expansion 
from  early  times,  and  that  the  Hi  frontier  affair 
would  thus  fit  in  with  this  general  policy. 

The  facts  in  relation  to  the  Hi  frontier  are 
these  :  — 

Having  secured  recognition  of  her  sovereignty 
over  the  Balkash  and  Issik  Kul  districts  in  the 
extreme  west  of  China  by  the  Treaty  of  Peking, 
Russia  was  placed  in  an  excellent  position  to  push 
her  advance  still  further,  if  a  suitable  occasion 
should  present  itself.  Such  an  occasion  was  not 
long  delayed.  In  1863  the  Mohammedan  popula- 
tion of  Jungaria,  the  Chinese  province  having  a 
frontier,  with  the  Government  of  Semirechensk,  as 
the  Balkash  and  Issik  Kul  districts  were  called, 
rose  against  their  Chinese  masters,  and,  having  de- 
feated the  imperial  troops,  massacred  all  the  Chinese 
in  the  country.  Having  achieved  this,  the  rebels 
began  to  quarrel  amongst  themselves ;  and,  finally, 
a  condition  of  affairs  arose  which  was  intolerable 
to  their  Russian  neighbours.  Accordingly,  an  army 
was  sent  across  the  frontier  into  Jungaria  for  the 
purpose  of  restoring  order ;  and  the  rebels  at  once 
laid  down  their  arms. 

At  this  stage  Russia  informed  China  of  what 
had  occurred,  and  added  that,  as  soon  as  China  was 
ready  to  take  effective  control  of   the  district,  it 


124     China  and  the  Powers 

would  be  handed  over  again,  as  the  Russians  were 
there  merely  in  the  general  interests  of  good  order. 

When  the  time  came  for  the  Russians  to  retire 
to  Semirechensk  the  officers  commanding  the  Rus- 
sian troops  found  a  number  of  good  reasons  why 
the  evacuation  could  not  be  carried  out ;  and  the 
matter  was  referred  to  Peking.  Here,  also,  difficul- 
ties arose;  and,  finally,  in  1879  the  Chinese  gov- 
ernment despatched  a  mandarin,  Chunghow  by 
name,  to  St.  Petersburg  to  arrange  the  details  of 
the  promised  evacuation. 

The  utmost  that  Chunghow  was  able  to  effect, 
after  wasting  a  good  deal  of  time  in  argument,  was 
an  agreement  under  which  Russia  was  to  restore 
part  of  Jungaria  to  China,  was  to  retain  part,  and 
was  further  to  receive  5,000,000  roubles  to  cover 
the  expenses  of  her  occupation  of  the  territory. 

These  terms  were,  however,  rejected  by  China ; 
and  the  Marquis  Tseng,  Chinese  Minister  in  Lon- 
don, was  ordered  to  St.  Petersburg  to  reopen  nego- 
tiations. On  this  occasion  Russia  yielded  on  the 
main  point,  and  restored  the  greater  part  of  the 
Hi  Valley  to  China.  But  the  treaty  of  Hi,  Feb.  12, 
1 88 1,  which  settled  the  dispute,  shows  that,  on  the 
whole,  Russia  secured  better  terms  than  under  the 
Chunghow  arrangement' 

By  article  I.  Russia  restored  the  country  of  Hi 
to  the  Chinese  government ;  but  "  Russia  remains 

'  For  the  treaty  of  Hi,  see  British  Sessiotial  Papers,  18S2,  vol.  80, 
C.  3134.  "Despatch  from  Mr.  Wyndham,  Her  Majesty's  Charge  d'Af- 
faires  at  St.  Petersburg,  enclosing  copy  of  a  Treaty  between  Russia  and 
China,  etc." 


Russia  and  China  125 

in  possession  of  the  western  portion  of  that  coun- 
try." By  article  IV.  Russians  who  had  acquired 
land  in  Hi  during  the  Russian  occupation  were 
confirmed  in  their  possession.  By  article  VI.  Rus- 
sia received  from  China  9,000,000  roubles  (metallic) 
to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  occupation.  By  other 
articles,  Russia  acquired  the  right  to  establish  sev- 
eral consulates  in  Western  China,  a  number  of  priv- 
ileges for  Russian  traders,  and  the  specific  assertion 
of  the  right  of  Russians  to  navigate  the  Manchurian 
rivers,  and  to  trade  freely  in  that  province. 

We  must  now  turn  to  yet  another  phase  of  Russo- 
Chinese  relations, —  the  Siberian  Railway ;  and,  as 
in  our  previous  inquiries,  it  is  necessary  to  go  back 
a  number  of  years,  because  the  actual  part  played 
to-day  by  China  in  regard  to  this  great  Russian 
scheme  represents  merely  the  latest  result  of  a 
series  of  events  in  which  the  immediate  interest  of 
China  is  of  recent  origin. 

As  soon  as  Russia  had  founded  Okhotsk,  in  1638, 
and  had  thus  extended  the  chain  of  her  authority 
from  the  Ural  Mountains  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  it 
became  evident  that,  if  the  vast  territory  known  as 
Siberia  was  to  serve  any  useful  purpose,  the  first 
requisite  was  good  means  of  communication.  This 
requirement  appeared  of  the  utmost  importance, 
whether  viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  the  agricult- 
ural and  mineral  development  of  the  country  or 
from  the  more  remote  ground  of  Russia's  political 
ambitions  in  the  Far  East ;  and  the  great  Muravieff 
distinguished  himself  in  nothing  more  than  in  his 


126     China  and  the  Powers 

unceasing  efforts  to  lessen  the  time  occupied  in 
going  from  the  Amur  to  St.  Petersburg. 

Up  to  1843  the  post-road  was  the  only  means  of 
travel  in  Siberia.  In  that  year  a  steamer  was  run 
on  the  Ob ;  three  years  later  the  Constantin  entered 
the  Amur;  and  in  1863  steamers  plied  on  the 
Yenisei. 

It  was  not,  however,  until  1857  that  the  first 
definite  suggestion  of  a  trans-Siberian  railroad  was 
made,  the  idea  originating  with  an  Englishman, 
named  Dull,  who  offered  to  construct  a  horse-car 
line  from  Nijni-Novgorod  through  Kasan  and  Perm 
to  one  of  the  Pacific  ports  of  Siberia.  As  Dull 
failed  to  give  any  idea  of  the  cost  of  his  proposed 
undertaking,  nothing  was  done  in  the  matter.  The 
next  suggestion  came  from  an  American,  named 
Collins,  whose  plan,  if  more  modest  than  Dull's, 
was  more  practical.  He  proposed  to  construct  a 
short  line  of  railway  from  Irkutsk,  the  capital  of 
Eastern  Siberia,  to  Chita,  a  town  on  the  upper 
Amur.  Collins's  plan  was  rejected  on  two  grounds, 
although  it  had  the  support  of  Muravieff.  It  was 
considered  that  the  route  of  the  proposed  railroad 
was  not  sufficiently  known  to  permit  of  even  an 
approximate  estimate  of  the  cost  of  the  line ;  and, 
further,  Collins  demanded  certain  commercial  privi- 
leges which  the  government  was  not  prepared  to 
grant. 

The  year  1858  produced  two  new  projects.  The 
first  came  from  three  Englishmen, —  Morrison, 
Horn,  and  Sleigh, —  who  offered,  in  exchange  for 


Russia  and   China  127 

a  virtual  trade  monopoly  along  the  line,  to  connect 
Moscow  with  the  Pacific  without  any  financial 
assistance  from  the  Russian  government.  The  sec- 
ond offer  was  presented  by  a  Russian,  named  Soph- 
ronoff,  who  wished  to  construct  a  line  from  Saratof, 
on  the  Volga,  to  Peking.  Both  these  plans  were 
rejected. 

The  three  projects  which  followed  between  1862 
and  1869  were  based  on  the  assumption  that  it  was 
better  to  get  something  done  near  home  than  to 
argue  indefinitely  about  the  gigantic  trans-Siberian 
scheme.  Accordingly,  attention  was  turned  to  the 
possibility  of  developing  the  trans- Ural  mining  dis- 
tricts by  a  railway  joining  the  Volga,  in  Russia,  with 
the  Ob,  in  Siberia, —  a  road  which  would  pass 
through  the  heart  of  the  mining  country. 

The  three  plans  —  that  of  Kokoreff  &  Co.  in 
1862,  that  of  Colonel  Bogdanovitch  in  1866,  and 
that  of  Linbimoff  in  1869  —  were  similar  in  that 
they  all  started  from  Perm,  a  town  on  the  Kama, 
one  of  the  tributaries  of  the  Volga.  The  one  finally 
selected  was  that  of  Colonel  Bogdanovitch,  which 
had  its  Siberian  terminus  at  Tiumen  on  the  Tura, 
a  tributary  of  the  Ob.  This  line  was  commenced 
in  1875,  was  completed  as  far  as  Ekaterinburg  in 
1878,  and  was  open  to  Tiumen  in  1884. 

Following  the  construction  of  the  Perm-Tiumen 
line  came  two  short  lines,  one  joining  Samara,  on 
the  Volga,  with  Miass,  a  small  town  on  the  eastern 
slope  of  the  Urals,  the  other  connecting  Samara 
with  Orenburg,  on  the  Ural  River.     The  question 


128      China  and  the   Powers 

then  resolved  itself  into  this :  If  Vladivostok  was  to 
be  connected  by  rail  with  the  general  Russian  sys- 
tem, which  of  the  three  railroads  already  stretching 
to  the  east  should  be  prolonged  across  the  Asiatic 
continent  ? 

The  Perm-Tiumen  line  was  easily  set  aside;  for, 
as  it  was  not  connected  with  the  general  railroad 
system  of  Russia,  there  would  be  the  necessity  of 
building  a  line  from  Perm  to  Nijni-Novgorod,  a  dis- 
tance of  about  500  miles,  in  order  to  effect  this 
junction.  The  Samara-Slatoust-Miass  line  could  be 
extended  through  Kurgan,  Omsk,  Kainsk,  Koly- 
wan,  Mariinsk,  and  Krassnojarsk  to  Nijni-Udinsk, 
some  1,800  miles.  The  Samara-Orenburg  line  could 
be  carried  to  the  same  point  by  way  of  a  southerly 
route,  passing  through  Orsk,  Atbassar,  Akmolinsk, 
Pavlodar,  Biisk,  and  Minusinsk,  about  2,200  miles. 
The  latter  was  open  to  two  objections, —  the  addi- 
tional 400  miles  to  be  covered,  and  the  fact  that 
between  Orsk  and  Biisk  the  line  would  be  exposed 
to  drought  in  summer  and  blizzards  in  winter, 
while  between  Biisk  and  Nijni-Udinsk  the  ex- 
tremely mountainous  character  of  the  country 
would  make  construction  very  expensive. 

Accordingly,  the  Samara-Slatoust-Miass  line  was 
chosen. 

Effect  was  given  to  this  decision  by  an  Imperial 
Rescript,  dated  March  17,  1891  (March  29,  Russian 
style).  The  Rescript  was  addressed  to  the  Cesare- 
vitch  (now  Czar  Nicholas  II.),  who  was  at  that  time 
engaged  in  his  tour  around  the  world.     It  reached 


Russia  and   China  129 

him  at  Vladivostok  on  May  12  (24),  1891.     In  part, 
it  ran  as  follows  :  — 

In  commanding  that  the  continuous  railway  right  through  Siberia  be 
now  begun,  in  order  to  facilitate  communication,  I  commission  you  to  pro- 
claim this  my  will,  on  re-entering  Russia,  after  having  visited  the  foreign 
lands  of  the  East.  At  the  same  time  I  charge  you  to  lay  the  first  rail  in 
Vladivostok  of  the  Usuri  section  of  the  Great  Siberian  Railway,  which  is 
now  decided  upon,  and  is  to  be  constructed  at  the  expense  of  the  Imperial 
Exchequer  and  under  the  direct  orders  of  government. 

Alexander. 

In  accordance  with  this  mandate  the  Cesarevitch 
turned  the  first  sod  of  the  Siberian  Railway  at 
Vladivostok  on  May  19,  189 1. 

The  details  of  construction  do  not  concern  us 
here.  SufHce  it  to  say  that  the  work  was  divided 
into  seven  sections :  — 

Section  i.  The  Western  Siberian  line,  from 
Chelabinsk  to  the  river  Ob,  880  miles. 

Section  2.  The  Central  Siberian  line,  from  the 
Ob  to  Irkutsk,  1,162%  miles. 

Section  3.  The  Circumbaikalian  line,  from  Ir- 
kutsk to  Mysovaya,  round  the  southern  shore  of 
Lake  Baikal,  194  miles. 

Section  4.  The  Transbaikalian  line,  from  Myso- 
vaya to  Strietensk,  669  miles. 

Section  5.  The  Amur  line,  from  Strietensk  to 
Khabarofsk,  1,326  miles. 

Section  6.  North  Usurian  line,  from  Khabarofsk 
to  Graphska,  230  miles. 

Section  7.  South  Usurian  line,  from  Graphska 
to  Vladivostok,  253  miles. 

Total  length,  4,7145^  miles. 


I30      China  and   the   Powers 

Owing  to  the  fact  that  Russia  obtained  in  1896 
permission  to  carry  the  Siberian  Railway  right 
through  Manchuria,  from  Strietensk  to  Vladivostok, 
sections  5,  6,  and  7,  as  given  above,  which  repre- 
sent a  long  detour  along  the  banks  of  the  Amur 
and  the  Usuri,  need  not  be  utilised.  The  history 
of  this  remarkable  concession  by  the  Chinese  gov- 
ernment is  given  in  the  chapter  on  "  The  Conflict- 
ing Interests  and  Ambitions  of  the  Great  Powers 
in  China."' 

We  may  understand  the  important  bearing  of  the 
Siberian  Railway  on  the  question  of  Russian  influ- 
ence on  China  if  we  consider  that  the  distance  from 
St.  Petersburg  to  Vladivostok  may  be  covered  by 
rail,  allowing  an  average  speed  of  twenty-five  miles 
an  hour,  in  ten  days,  while  it  will  require  under 
favourable  conditions  thirty  days  to  go  from  Lon- 
don to  Vladivostok  by  water. 

The  last  rail  connecting  Moscow  with  Strietensk 
was  laid  on  Dec.  28,  1899.  From  that  day  it  became 
possible  to  make  a  through  journey  by  rail  and 
steamer  from  St.  Petersburg  to  Vladivostok.  The 
journey  from  St.  Petersburg  to  Listvinitchnoi,  on 
the  western  shore  of  Lake  Baikal,  is  made  by  rail. 
The  lake  is  crossed  by  boat  in  summer  and  by  rails 
over  the  ice  in  winter.  From  Myssowa  (Muissov) 
on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  lake,  to  Strietensk  the 

'  For  an  account  of  the  Siberian  Railway,  see  Vladimir's  A'lcssia  on  the 
Pacific  and  the  Siberian  Railway  ;  Krahmer's  Siberien  und  die  grosse  sibi- 
rische  Eisenbahn  ;  and  Pierre  Leroy-Beaulieu's  The  Awakening  of  the  East. 
For  further  references,  see  Bibliography  under  Russia  and  China,  sub-title 
Siberian  Raihvay. 


Russia  and   China 


i^i 


railroad  is  used  again  ;  and,  from  Strietensk  to  Kha- 
barofsk,  steamers  convey  the  passengers  down  the 
Shilka  and  the  Amur.  At  Khabarofsk  the  railroad 
completes  the  route  to  Vladivostok. 

A  ticket  from  St.  Petersburg  to  Vladivostok,  with 
first-class  accommodations,  including  board,  is  $125. 

This  great  railway,  which  is  to  cost  ^400,000,000, 
of  which  ^300,000,000  has  already  been  expended, 
will  enable  Russia  to  exert  an  influence  at  Peking: 
which  will  seriously  menace  the  interests  of  those 
nations  whose  progress  in  Asia  it  will  be  the  policy 
of  Russia  to  check. 

However  we  may  be  inclined  to  look  with  alarm 
and  suspicion  on  Russia's  every  move  in  the  Far 
East,  we  cannot  withhold  our  admiration  from  the 
adroitness  of  her  policy,  the  patriotism  of  her  offi- 
cers, and  the  magnificent  audacity  of  her  purpose, 
which  have  combined  to  place  her  in  a  position  in 
regard  to  the  Far  East  which,  were  it  not  for  the 
splendid  development  of  Japan,  would  be  well-nigh 
unassailable. 


COMPARATIVE     TABLES 

Showing  an  Analysis  of  the  Trade  of  China 
with  Foreign  Nations,  1 880-1 899,  inclusive 


^ 


< 

I— ( 

K 
U 

O 

55 


en 
O 

PL, 


o 

w 


N  f^  ro  u^  r^ 
^  r^  O  "T-o 
fooo  q_  •«  fO 
•<f  ^^  d\  m" 


O   ro  Tl-  o  rr        f»1 
O    "    -rO   N  >-> 

O  c^^o  "         ' 


rOVO  00  OO  "* 
00  vO  —  O  \0 
00   lO  j^  lo  ro 


O   ro  '-  00   t^        lO 
■-I    ■<*•  r^  O   N        \0 

O  i^  cf  ^^  ' 


N    r^  r^  -"S-  r^  N   M 
■-     i^  O    t^  r^  C^  "^ 


M    00   N  VC   r^  —   -"J- 
m    "   O   ro  0\  ■*  n 


ro  00   M        "^  IX)  CC 
O     r^  •^        O  t^  pt 


ro   0\0   11   T*-  ro  >o 
O    vO   P)         <^  OnvO 


■^   ro  f^  ro  moo  ''n 
1-     N    N  M    r-^co 


\0  O  00  "O  C\  O 
t^  -g-  "ICO  lO  ON 
00    1^  O    O  w      I 


O   vo   ro  1-1  vo  ro  N 


O  00   foco   N 
Tj-  I-    Tt  ro  r^ 

rT  <>  rn  M 


fO  r-.  Tf  O   '-1 
00   O   O  \0   ro 

OO     «     M     ll     t^ 


t-^    O  O  "^  r^  >o  C\ 

ro  ^O  ►-  i-H  ►-  O  ^ 
rri  VD  M  MOO 
>0     ro  ro  lo  i-T 

30 


r~-    N   O    N   C\  O   •* 
00      M    "«    ►»    N    ro  N 

m  lo  N       Tj-  i-c  o 


O    t^  O    "-100 


O  Cn  -^  ■-  \o 

O^  ■<}■  t^  Cv  O 

o  1- ocT  1-^ 


O   "^       r^vo    PI 
>-o  I-     I    ro  1-   ON 


t^    roco  O   "   ro 

"^  vo   ro  r».  m  O 

M    ^q  M  I    >- 00  vo 

O 


m  Tt 


a  ;c  c  ^   ii 


o  'S 


CO  ^  ^ 


<  2 


m    pi    ^  Ji    r,      ^ 

.ti  i  "5  .2  '"^   S 

c«  <  (/)  PQ 


(U 

,r(     O     9i 
«    =!    O 

_c  cW 

o3  _rt    o 
'35  '!n  4-> 

C/3     CO     c/3 

.330) 


00   O   "^  N    Ov 

«    —    Ovo    On 

OnvO    ro  pT  ' 

M  00    M 


fO  O    "^  -^  lO 
r^  "^  On  fO  "1 

■<j  q  rooq  ■-> 
■^00   m  « 

MO"" 


t«^  ►.  «  O  VO  lo  m 
O  i^  •«  O  N  O  G 
lO  t^  N  ro  -^  N  CO 
cT  \0         pT  rC\o   T? 


f^  '^  o  00  o  po  "^ 

CO     ►-    —    n   ^^vo   Lo 
M     O    M    O   "^  r^OO 


M  „  OS  M  0\  "^ 
►-•<*•■*  t~«  "^  « 
O   ro  m  O  I    r^ 


t^    O^  '—    lO  O    0^  O 

t->.  q  1-1  ro  PI  no 

'-n   <y-.        cf  O  NO   'if 


rO  On  M    Tf  T^ 
O    ON  "^  PI    r^ 

NO  PTiod  pT 


00   PO  "^  On  r^ 

O      LO   lJ->   PI      P) 
1-1      W->  IT)    O      PO 

rC  o   p^  pf 
PJ   r-«  - 


P)  PO  O  O  O  NO  00 
On  NO  NO  -^  Tj-OO  N 
CO  VO     «  NO  NO    O  NO 

po  rC       >-'"  rC  •<f  T? 


r~.NO  <-ONO  On  M  NO 
"^vo  -^  On  r^  P) 
q  -^  PO  t-^  P)  00 
ro  rn  to  w 

P)  NO     -i 


O   "->  O    O   'd-  PI    Ov 
PO  "^  r^  "^  O  "1 

O  NO    O    PH  1-1  P) 


Tj-  On  -^  P)  NO   N 
t-^00   PO  -^  "^oo 

q      "^  q  f^^ 

T?      i-T  NO  po  po 


fO  Tl-    «     Tf    O   NO 

po  i^NO  Tj-  po  "^ 

►-    ►"  NO    Tl-  O    PO 


O    NO    P)  NO    r^oO   "^ 
r^    PI   r^  t^  O   PO  O 

Tj-    PI    1-  NO   O   "^  1-1 


o 


134 


►1   rf-  w   rt-  P> 
On  O   fO  lO  •<r 

00   t^OO   O   m 


•^  t^OO  PO  PI 
«O00  NO  P)  PO 
lO  t^  On  >-i    w 


nO    NO   ►-'  00   t^  ►"    PJ 

NO  00  i^  1-1  00  t-~  M- 

in    Tj-  1-1    Tj-  tt  »«    t^ 


NO  00  r^  1-1  r^O  oo 
X)  j^  -.  vD  i-o  T)-\o 
q  pi^  p)  o  p)  00  00 
lo    On        i-T  iAnO   'f 


N  P)  1-1  O  t^ 

i-o  1-  CO  vnoo 

M  "->  O  PI  PI 


On  ONOO  PJ  00  ■*  "- 
"-)  NO  NO  t^  POCO  PO 

1-^  NO  p)  00  t  "^  q 

C>    T?  PO  OvNO 


c 
o 

T3 

.5  c 
W  P 
-a 


t=^ 


(8  ."2 

cs  'C  ■>- 

-  ^  S  oj  pq 
4_i   rt  '^   c 

lu  'K  iS  _5  15 


5  bo  rt  .-S  i3  •£  '^ 
D  DC  M  c/2  <!  jy)  pq 


^  .£  .S  ^ 
■^  1/1  m  (/> 

C    3    3    (U 


D-i£ 


O 


vO  "^  Tf  o  O  r^  t^ 
O  vO  "-lOO  >-  "^  n 
O    ^  fi    ■^  f"'    Pt    <■! 


ON  r^  0\  ro  Tf  O  O 
t^  -J-  M  w-,\o  roco 
CO  «  -,  ^l  ~  "^  "t 
'"O  03   i^  ro  CD   t^  "^^ 


fico  •^CNO\<^0"^  — \o  000  f^O 

O    rr   — '  —  ko     1^  <5>  r^jvo    rP  rC 


O  CO    o  "->  ""    o   O 


10   i^  r^vo   rv\0   '"I 
vO     o   "-    -"  CO    £>  r^ 

•<r    O  vO   N    ■<?  ■^  ro 


r^\0   OnvO  to  cj    ►- 


O  O  -ri-  r^  -rO  r^ 
—  C\  O  r^  'o  ro  -1- 
O  \0  O  "-^'00  '<;'CO 
rr    O   r^  ■-    ro  t-r  ro 


0 

i>^  C^  r^vO 

"   ro 

On 

"-■    *1" 

■^ 

1-4 

r^oo 

0 

LOO 

LO 

-r 

r^ 

HM 

M 

»^ 

C) 

-<     r^  Tj-  ro  N   •-   10 

r^    ^    O  O^  to  Cn  f^ 
O    CO   r^  r^  to  •^vo 

10    ►.  ii 


O    Tt  ^  0N\0  CO    ro 
Lo  "-«    10  r^  O    ro 
«   ro  r^  M   Ti-  N 


-+    «  O    ri  000   -^ 

rr    ri  o    "  '^  O    r^ 

>-    O  O    f  1  ro  O  0\ 

ro    cT  10  «-  C\  ^  M 


CO  -^  Cs  ■*  000  N 
r^  r^  vo  10  -^  C^  '-' 
o    M  00   —    fi   >-<    ro 


tT  00   O   0\  >J^  "^  O 
ro   ■-'   1^0  to  -^  t-^ 


r)  Tr  PO  roO  r^co 
Cn  tt  io\0  CO  O  O 
ri   10  r^  ri    —   ci    — 


O  N  CO  OCO  ro  O 
CO  "^  10  ►-  VO  LOCO 
r^  i^vO   -^  O   — 


ro     ri     CNCO     ro  N    O 

"^  O  CO  r^  ON  i-<  ro 
ro  0\  ■^  ro  10  C7\  Ti- 
ro   C?-  "^  r?  o    "-T  i-T 


000  LOCO  CO  CO 
w  ri  M  O  r^  ro  ■^ 
On  vO   ro  ro  O    -^  ri 


r^  ■*  -^  M  O  r^ 
O  t^  O  roco  N 
—  \0  \0   Cn  — 


X  ro  Os"0  "-1  C\  •- 
-!j-  >-0  O  O  CO  O  N 
"^   CNco   -rf  ro  Ti-  o 


r^OVOvO  O—  I^IO  CO  t^  —  CO  O  O 
OvM  ri  ^  "  CO  CC  \  t^  ^  rivDO  -"l-ro 
ro  O  "^  roo  O    10  Cn  -^  ro  O    — 

00   r-r  i-T  hT  fp  O     r?  10  —  \0   ro  i-T 


:^ 


:=  ^  u  S  M 


■^  s  o 


72  <  C/D  m 


^    :/)    'Ji    VI 

C    S    S    lU 


o 


135 


•I  o\  i-~\o  o  o  00 
O  10  N  o  ■^  o  "^ 
10  -!i-  o  LOvO   n    M 


10  >-i  CO  i~.  0\vO  i^ 
CO  Cn  "-1  'l-CO  'I-  ■- 
ro  t^  f^  ro  ro  I-"    r^ 


00  ro  ri  On  r>.  PI  O 
roco  \0  O  lo  r^  Tf 
►-   r^  t^  -s-  10  N   ro 

C>  ro  "    " 


,-  w  iri  Tf  O  "1  O 
On  CT\  Lo  O  Lo\0  r-. 
-r    ro  ON  >o  I-    M   »Ai 

■^  00  00   rood  i-Tvo 


ro  >o  ■-<   r^  p)   10  T»- 

ro  PI   to  -t-NO   lonO 

0_  On  0_^C0    r^  O  00 

>o"  pT  Oi  pT  CO  pP  >o 

10  «-  —    « 


O   0\  "1  PO  r^  ro 

■-.   i-i   Lo  •^  ».  vo 

o  vq^  ^no  pi  o\ 

C>CC    ro  ^r  On  ro 


r-^  0\  >-    O    O  CO  NO 

XO   —     M     I-     I^   —   CO 

-TtOO    PI    lO  O^  PI    ►- 
CO    ro  Pp  p-T 


^    NO   u-iOJ  CO  CO    On 
t-^    O    O    t^  ro  <-o  i^ 

ro    ro  On  i^  O  OO  \0^ 

rC    ppod  rONO   >-   ro 
10   •-  —    «-. 


-    On  -^  l^  I- 

CO  cfv  -■"  ~~ 


r^    M   ro  Lo  PI   r^  LO 

On  NO    On  0\  PI    pi    ■^ 
PO  NO  CO   10  r^  «   PI 


>-  CO  NO  O  NO  roNO 
O  to  PI  PI  O  "  00 
PI    roNO^  t^  O   n   PI 

«  NO     Pp    "     hT 


O  t^  rONO  —  -^  rt 
«  to  On  —  PI  NO  O 
-^    PJ    O   O  P<    ON  — 


On  O  "  PI  O  O  O 
O  10  O  O  -^  ro  r^ 
ri   to  to  to  t^  PI    >- 


PI  O    'I-  PI    OnoO    O 

O  -^  ~r  onno  ►-  o 

On  to  rf  O    rONO  00 

0\  i-T  to  pp  CO  CO    ro 

to  ►H  ►. 


NO    O  NO  tONO  NO    ro 

PI    to  t^  to  ro  PI     PJ 

to  PI  CO  NO    -^  PI  \0 
vo"  to  »r  i-T  i-T 


•^     1-    N    PI     Ov  1-c  00 

On  ■*  PI  ro  r^NO  O 
to  CO  -^  O^CO  On  lO 
rC  c5^nO  no^  r^NO  -^ 
\0     «  - 


_  ro  —  -H  r^  rONO 
ro  P»  Tf  NO  O  t^  — 
NO  CO   roco  NO^  PI  NO 


P<     O    ro  -f  O    r^  On 
to    t-^  ro  •-    r-^  ro  O^ 

M     ro  to  r^  i^  M    On 


a 


2    '^  rt 


d    in 
C/3  < 


u  jj  pa 
■c  s  „ 

•^    in 
o-C 


...5  2  c- 

OJ    X  3  O 

"O    oi  ni  O 

.-.    'J-.  in  in 

C    3  3  <U 


O 


u 
o 


H 
Z 
t> 
O 

u 

o 

M 

Pi 

o 
fa 

1-3 

Pi 

U 

2 

H     X 
P^     ^ 

O     X 

^     « 

o 

H 
OS 

o 

o 


OvO  VO   >-  "1  <~o  o 

o 

C31 

ro  fO  i-i   1J^  OOO  CO 

o 

rr  fo            i-c  to  ro 

o 

M 

00 

o 

1 

C>CO    TT  fO  ro  "100 

o 

O} 

OO    -^  •-"    M    ro  "1  ro 

o 

s 

VO   M                N    rr  ro 

o 

M 

CO 

o 

«S    "1  •-■          oo    N    N 

o 

r-» 

00   M   "«         tt  ro  O 

o 

vd    ro          '     N    l>)  N 

o 

M 

oo 

o 

O   O   ro      00    t^  N 

o 

\o 

LO  n    w         o    rovo 

o 

oo 

T^  »>i         1     ro\d 

o 

00 

o 

►«   ■-!   N         ri   o  "1 

o 

»n 

VO    I^  M          00  OO    t^ 

o 

\d   ro         1    N  i>) 

o 

M 

oo 

o 

O    to  Tf  ►-  \o    N    N 

o 

■^ 

^  r^   ro  O   ro  ON  i^ 

o 

s 

00   ro             N   •>*■ 

o 

OO 

o 

oo   i-c   "   "-   t^  O  ro 

o 

CO 

(J\^    ri   o    ""    O  O 

o 

oo 

vO   ro             rO'T  - 

o 

M 

00 

o 

fO  N    O  i-<    ro  On  ro 

o 

^ 

O    >-    HI    O    I-    "1  On 

o 

\0    rr               ro  lO 

o 

M 

CO 

o 

oo    I-    M          Tt  ro  ri 

o 

M 

On  VO  p-        NO    O    t^ 

G 

s 

CO   ro         '    rj    tJ- 

o 

CO 

o 

00  00    O          >-    ON  -i- 

o 

5 

\0    -t  fi        00    rj   Lo 

o 

6   -           1     N    'T 

o 

HI 

0^ 

o 

.       ■       .    (U       .       . 

C               i/i 

•s  OJ  t«  3  ci<     t; 
^t5<W  o    ■  c 

Wc^.S.S^    -cS 

^  T)    rt    rt    ^    _    . 

-f  •^J-  «  00    M    "    O 

o 

ro  «    >-<    «   r^  «    -^ 

o 

"00          «    ro  ro  N 

o 

« 

r^                         » 

o 

r-.  VO  'T'O   o   >-   r>. 

o 

CO 

roco    —  o   ro  VO  -■ 

O 

"   t~^              Ti-  n    ro 

o 

M 

r^                       1-1 

o 

M  NO   O   M    ■*  ro  ro 

o 

& 

M  OO     "     Vi->  O  VO  NO 

O 

VO  to        ►-    r}-  o    r) 

o 

« 

r^                         ►- 

O 

ro  -t  On  NO  NO   r>    O 

o 

°- 

C-nO   O   On  -"T  m   r^ 

o 

r^  VO             ttoo   m 

o 

M 

t^ 

o 

O    rONO    O   O  voNO 

o 

lO 

00  CO    O    O    N    VO  VO 

o 

ON  ri          «    -^  On  M 

l-l 

t^ 

o 

tT  On  ri   r^   ON  1-    ro 

O 

^ 

H-     VO  M     VO  Tj-  vosO 

o 

ri   VO             ro  VO  N 

o 

l-l 

CO 

o 

VO   VO  M  vO    O    N    On 

O 

CO 

VO  uo  H-   ^  Ti"  t-i   r^ 

O 

S' 

T  ro             ro  VO  r) 

o 

00 

O 

Tt  «    M  00    fOiO   -"i- 

o 

a 

O   T^  w   M  r^oo  VO 

o 

S' 

■^  Th             ro  -^  M 

6 

IH 

00 

o 

ro  On  ro  VO  M    O  00 

O 

M 

H-  VO    ►-  NO    t^    C^    ON 

o 

ro  VO             CO  •*  f< 

o 

l-t 

00 

o 

HH  NO  NO   ro  PJ   ro  ON 

o 

& 

-  00    ►-    VO  ON  r^NO 

o 

VO  ri               I-   VO  ro 

d 

M 

CO 

o 

.       .       .    0)      .       . 

Oh              ir. 

.«      (U      (/)      rj      j^            -1-. 

Ld  X    C    C    3     .    O 

43  ^    rt    rt    ,_. 

pq  !D  (i5  p:;  O  H^O 

< 

»— I 

X 
u 

o 
o 

Ph 
X! 
W 


On  ►"  O  N  On  I^  N 
N  r^\q  ON  q  NO  ~ 
t^  r^  ■<*•  N  00  NO  ro 


»o  o  vn  0\  i-i  "1  to 

o-  t--.co  q  o  00  "^ 

d  On  «o  N  'T  ro  ro 


'-'  O  t^  ■-  "^  N  ro 


r~»vo  M  NO  Tf  O-  r>. 

CO  r-.  q  -^  N  c;  f^) 

ro  M  NO  >-<  >H  r3  c5 
NO  ->      - 


N  ro  M  NO  O  00  O 

ON  r-)  rooq  q  no  On 

On  rj  NO  "-<  lO  N  ►" 

lO  M  « 


NO  O  I'l  N  '-"  N  ►" 


OO  >-  ro  ■»*•  M  t^  lO 

q  T"?^  "T  '^  ■^  9 

NO  »^         *^ 


N    On  "  NO    ro  mvO 
fONO   un  ro  M  00   O 

NO     "-  -1 


V 


ex 


tn.2   i:   4, 

P  rt<W  o 


B  -^  - 

[tI  [/I   c   c   pi 
■"  "^  bJ 

^  T3   rt   d  ^ 


•    C 

.  o 
U 


•^  ij  .S  .S  >-i   c-   >-. 
.i2  -2  'tn  'tn   <U    5    1) 


NO 

r-  torooo 

_ 

^ 

O 

a 

•«1- 

O  r-,  t^  l>»00 

■^ 

O 

NO 

"NO 

P)  OO  00 

to 

O 

M 

■^ 

■" 

o 

to 

Ti-  -r  too 

N 

o 

o 

% 

Cn  to  o 

>-l  tr 

N- 

On 

O 

oo 

oo 

r«.oo 

rONO 

o 

to 

O 

« 

•^ 

Q 

r^  O  ■'^  O  PO  r^  On 
N  Onno  -^00  •-;  t^ 
r^  d   r^  pi   to  d  to 


-r  On  P<  to  CnVD  ro 
On  -^  "  ^^  i^nO  i^ 
rood  00   fO  rooo   rh 


to  M    fOOO    to 


tooo  to  to  -+  to  ro 


r^  On  to  Tt  n  to  fo 


rt  P 


w  c«  .s  .S  (I 

.12  S -S^ -E^  S  g  S 
•C  c  S  S  ■£  o<:S 


■  c 

3 
.    O 


137 


c 

H 
< 

hJ 

U 

c 
< 

Q 
W 

P^ 

w 

H 

w 

CO 

w 

C/3 

w 
> 

O 

H 
O 
< 

o 

H 

6 

HH 

Pi 

Ah 
I— I 

C/2 

w 

CO 

W 
1^ 


1-    ON^    t^  r<^  u-1  vri  t^  un 

00 

r^O  i-n>-i   MCO   i^roiM 

Tf 

Tt  ^  r^  ro^O  \0   O    ■^  O 

00 

r~.  "^  ON  m  O   -^no  no   lo 

00 

r^0»^0    O^r^i-   "C"^ 

I^ 

O    r^  ro  ~   0_  NO  NO   ►-   0_^ 

00 

OciororfiCJN'-^MCiD 

vd 

5- 

>^rororCoNNi-<^dN^ 

rC 

CO 

^loo   ONOvrOM   o^t^ 

o 

cs 

t^O    -    OVDCO    ^r^iJ-i 

t-t 

M 

»«    >-^  0\              On  M          i-i 

00 

•^ 

OvOO    ri    N   vo  Tf         1-1 

»r1 

►T  cT  N 

00 

T?  i^              « 

ro 

Cl 

rove    N  vO  VO    t^  >-   0\  ""l" 

Tl- 

too    O    On-^>00    OnO 

On 

O    0\fv."^"^>-cvO    O   -^ 

ir^NO    r^  •-O  -t  ro  O   "^00 

^-n 

'^  ''i.  '";'?'  9,  o.°^^  "  " 

Ov 

Tj-  ri^  i-<^  roNO   O   Ov  O   0\ 

00 

CO 

oo 

d"  rooo   n   w   -^  -^  rn  " 

ON 

00 

■^  d  rC  rCod  d  >-   ri NO 

iv! 

lO  O   "^00  00   r^  0\  O    ^ 

CO 

00 

00  NO    Tf  CNNO    r^oo    t>»  1-' 

o 

•^ 

•"■qoo        i-ir^wi-.M 

'C 

^ 

O    lO  ►-     N    lO  M            N 

ro 

mT    t? 

r^ 

^  lO                  S 

rp 

H* 

P) 

1-    Ov  fOVO    >-i  vo   ■*  "   "-I 

M 

OnQOO   lOO    roONiriN 

O    t^  "^  >-<  CO   ly-ioo   1^  r^ 

i-n 

ro  1-   r^  't  OnOO  no    ro  >-i 

NO 

00  r^  t^  tj^  ^°0  'C  '^  '^ 

00 

voco   1-"^  <<>«l  O   i-t  ro  r^ 

NO 

OO 

rC  T?  r^od  ci  rT  Tt  rf  to 

CO 

CO 

NO   "CO  "   o'  dNO"  «   rr 

d 

CO 

vO    «  vo   o   t^oo   Ov  tv.  O 

CO 

CO 

NO    t^ONOOOOO    O   lor-^ 

ON 

M 

►hoOvOmmoO'-'          fO 

ro 

^ 

i_   uo  M    i_    Tj-  ro        r) 

*^ 

d  -^ 

t^ 

tJ  Lo            i-T 

rT 

N 

OCOvO   r^Tft^ri  lOO 

00 

ONO   r^rfONO   r<    ONro 

o 

rOTtoo    O  ro  N    ONVO    O 

t^ 

Onm    m    OnQ    OnQCO    ro 

NO 

"^^  '1°^'>9.°'^°'?,'C* 

N 

r-.  r~.  O   t>  ■*  '"i  O,  "t!  ". 

r^ 

M 
CO 

-*•  ^^  dvxf  i^oT  i^  i-T  -^ 

d 

>o 

rONO  no"  OO  oo'  d  o"  rP  d 

i-n 

M  ror^orONOO   -^t-i 

^ 

CO 

Tt  O    ro  ro  i^  On  t-~  -tTnO 

lO 

^ 

N   n\0         i-i   i-^  >-<         N 

NO 

*^ 

i-iONi-ii-ii^n          rj 

r^ 

d  ^ 

NO 

Tf    lO                            hT 

i-i 

N 

OvD   «'!  •<1-  t^  M-  N    OvO 

M 

O   lor-^t^i^inioo    ro 

t>. 

vo    lOi^TfO    'S-OVO   O 

VO 

w-i  ly-)  ro  ON  "^00  00    ri    On 

I^ 

CO  «    w    M    <^  O.  '^  '^'^ 

ro 

t^  N    1-1   ro  rONO   "^  rovo 

tH 

o 

r^MS    C>  c5n  d  f^'  tCod  ro 

■^ 

CO 

1-1   M   ONTj-rot^i-i   ION 

00 

CO 

oo   O    On  N   "1  rONO    -^  "^ 

r^ 

CO 

NO   ^  O   ro  r^  —   —   "INO 

NO 

M 

nnOnOm'-'NDi-i         "-i 

00 

^ 

ri  00    "«    11          M    N          ►" 

o 

Ont? 

U-) 

N      H-      N                           >- 

CO 

•     •    M^ 

•      •    W3_^ 

C  •<-                            c« 

.S  -<-                                   Kl 

•     •  'q,  tn     •     •     ■      •    OJ 

I/) 

•        •     Oh   W        •        •        •        •  .2i 

m 

c 

D.r^                                                        1- 

C 

.     .^g     .     .     .     .  1 
C     •  — —    •     •  a,     •   o 

o 

.n     . 

(shi 
(jun 

e     . 
ount 

O 
3 

ra         (D   D         e   tn   £2  U 

o 

TO           (UIU__Ct«CU 

O 

Am  eric 
British 
Chines 
Chines 
French 
Germai 
Japane 
Russia: 
Other  < 

•C  -J^  (U  <u  u  c  C  -2  >- 

<  m  u  u  tn  O  A»J  o 

138 


M  Tf  LO  O  O  O  ■*  i^\0 
i-rOONM  N^  O-^OO 
(5>M3  ro  lOOO  fO  C?>00  rC 
N    a\  ro  O    -*0O   I~^  ro  O 

n 


r^  O   Ooo   "-1  \0  1-"  1-   r^ 
O    rO"    d    On-*-*OvO 

>-     MOO    Tfi-i    M    t^lOO 

i-i   ro  '*•  O   -^   "^  ro^   O 
ro  ro  a\  -^VO  OO  00   cn^o 
rooo  ■"T  n" 


"^00  00  M  t^  m  ON  n  •* 

i>»  i^  i-H  rooo  11  r^  i-H  11 
■-.  0\  -^  w-ivO  O  rovO  O 
oT  fO  f-r  rC  cfvoo  >0   r>r  (D 


M  vO  "^  r-»oo  00  -^co  m 

d\  lonO  hT  cT  >o  c>oo  rC 
ro\0  ro  »o  N  00  ^  i^oo 


00  "^  <^  t^  O  fooo  O  " 
M  HH  N  vo  N  ro\C  t^  "^ 
rocO  ^\0  On  ►«  00  i^  r^ 
i-T^O  00  pf  N  NO  O  >i  On 
vO  ""  O  "^  I'lVO  fo  i-i  fO 
ro  ro  N  N  -^vO  >-"  O 


O  i^oni-1  n  -"J-i^OVO 
00   -i-fi  "^M   OnqnO   r^ 

r^  O   lo  Tt-  "   O   r^\0   On 

On  p-T  roNO"  roco"  d"  lA  ro 
NO    On  rr  t^  f-l    "-1NO    Tf  oo 

cioo   >-oc)    TfvOvO   "-I00 


ui  ir>  ►-  M  o  r-%M3  w  « 
ON  On  OnoO  no  On  ro  N  p-i 
O   On  H-^  O  NO  00    M    M    Tj- 

rCoo    ro  On  -^  li^  i^oo   fT 

NO    fO  On  tJ-nO    <-•    "    on  r^ 

•<r  -"i^  i-i    M    On  "1        t^ 


00  NOO  TfioONCiNO  ro 
r-^oo  O  00  —  p-i  ON  w^  M 
•^  O  f  t^  O  ■*■  O  On  NO  CO 
•^rCcjNN-^Loioror^ 

NO    -t-CO  NO    ro  Tt-NO    "-I  NO 

"CO     ONM     Tt-ON"^"H     1-1 

«NO  "'"  " 

M 


03  -^ 


NO  lO  ro  ro  O  Tf  i-i  OnOO 
tJ-On-  ttOnOOO  O  O 
Onoo  no  ro  r^  On  m  no  m 
pTrCcD^TfcJNroinrC'? 

0000  M  N  CO'^OOO  On 
O    w    N    M    r<-)  "^        "H 


r^oo  r^  -r  lO  Lo  p-H  CO  ro 
N  Ovr^'^-^CO  ON"-  ON 
-*r^"  ONrO"NO  N  M 
vOioLO'^MpTp-rooN 
00  M  NO  "^  -*  -^  N  rONO 
inONM    <~0':)-i-i    1-00 


a  M 


* 


™         <u   <u    ^    C    tn    C 

•C  -S  <u   <u  o   S   c  ■" 
pu-^CCdgrt!" 

-<  M  U  U  fe  O  ►S.oi 


139 


tn   C  U 


•«  4=   <"   ^  -C   rt 

<u  rt 

Sl  S  c  ^  S 

c  •-<  h 

S  «  <" 

E  ■  n  :s  :s  2i  s 

Jap 
Rus 
Oth 

<5p3UUfeO 

*S  o 


w 
o 
< 

o 

< 
H 
O 
H 

O 

w 
o 

< 

Eh 

w 
u 

pi! 
H 


< 

U 
< 

H 
Q 


a? 

P^  L) 
O  ^ 

P-(    Q 

2  < 

u 

o 
o 

)— I 

Ph 

Ph 
I— I 

C/3 


> 


00  r^  i^  o  o  •^vo  M  r^ 
roooooo   M   O   N   fOO\ 

\0    N 


O      '1  M 


VO      «  N- 


00   lovo   Tf  o   -^  i-i   >^  ro 


l>»  0\  -^  N   CTvoo   N   fOvO 

\0     M 


•^    H.  1-H 


►H   M   O   i-i   "^00  vo   i-i   r-^ 

00  "^M3  00  ov  q\  q  fo  on 

\0    M 


Cl,  f> 

IT.  I—. 


cu   OJ 


D  .a 
J- 

<;pq 


(u  o 

ii   'u    _    C   tn   c  rj 

D    lU    cj    e    C  •"  »- 

S    S    C    £    J3   Jg  JJ 


O    MOO    rtr<1P)00    N    1- 


0\ci    OO   \r\^   »    -^N 
N   O   r^-oo   >-<   N   Tj-  Tj-  O 

<b\\o    '  w  00    '    '  N 


OOO  M  \o    IH      '    N 


r^O    NOO    ON-'J-f^lON 

M  ^  -^00  00   M   o  -^  >o 

<0   M 


—   iM   rovO  vo  00  -^00   ro 
N  \0    TfOO  00    O  "    fO  lO 


tT  r^  (^  O  \0   O   ro  looO 
cr)\q  lo  o\  ON  Tt-  o  fn  r^ 

vo    M 


•     .  bO    ■     .     . 

c 

03 

-^3 

(u       o 

s:i  c  c  g  s 

n!    "?    !U 

s  •  d  2  :s  jj  5 

Jap 
Rus 
Oth 

<5muu(3HO 

140 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

Los  Angeles 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


J  '^  • ' 


41584 


UC  SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 


AA    001  132  375    5 


yi^      iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii^ 

\  3  1158  00478  1430 


o  _, 


t 


PLEASE  DO  NOT  REMOVE 
THIS  BOOK  CARD     I} 


^I-LIBRARYQ^ 


^TOITVDJO^ 


University  Researcli  Library 


^ 


